Latest Maharashtra Breaking News & Headlines

‘Spoke to Rahul, Savarkar issue sorted out’: Sanjay Raut
The Indian Express | 12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

The Shiv Sena (UBT), which had warned Congress leader Rahul Gandhi against “insulting” Hindutva ideologue V D Savarkar, said on Wednesday that the issue has been resolved and they were “firmly united” with the Opposition parties in their fight against the BJP and the Narendra Modi government.“The issue has ended for us…The matter has been resolved,” MP Sanjay Raut, Uddhav Thackeray’s close confidant, told The Indian Express. “I have spoken to Rahul Gandhi about the issue,” he added.In his speech in Malegaon on Sunday, Uddhav Thackeray had warned Rahul Gandhi that the Sena (UBT) would not tolerate any insult to Savarkar. “Savarkar is our deity…we will not tolerate any insult to him,” Thackeray had said.Asked whether Gandhi had promised not to raise the Savarkar issue again, Raut said, “We do not want to speak about it anymore. As I have said, the matter has been resolved.”When asked what the party’s stand would be if Gandhi raises the issue again, Raut said, “If Rahul Gandhi raises the issue again, we will see what to do… But we are confident he will not raise the issue.”Raut said the Shiv Sena (UBT) will be attending the meetings convened by the Opposition or the Congress. The Sena had on Monday night skipped a meeting convened by Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge. “We are firmly united with the Opposition to save democracy and dislodge the BJP from power,” Raut said.On Tuesday, Congress communication head Jairam Ramesh said 19 parties were saying in one voice that democracy was in danger and “we have to unitedly face and fight the dictatorial government”. The Shiv Sena (UBT), he said, was one of the 19 parties.“There were 18 parties last night. Today, I have said 19. The number will go up from 18 to 19 when Shiv Sena is part of the group,” Ramesh said at a press conference in Delhi on Tuesday. To this, Raut said, “We are with the Congress and the Opposition…We will be attending all their meetings.”

‘Spoke to Rahul, Savarkar issue sorted out’: Sanjay Raut
  • ‘Spoke to Rahul, Savarkar issue sorted out’: Shiv Sena (UBT) united with Opposition, says Sanjay Raut
  • The Indian Express

    The Shiv Sena (UBT), which had warned Congress leader Rahul Gandhi against “insulting” Hindutva ideologue V D Savarkar, said on Wednesday that the issue has been resolved and they were “firmly united” with the Opposition parties in their fight against the BJP and the Narendra Modi government.“The issue has ended for us…The matter has been resolved,” MP Sanjay Raut, Uddhav Thackeray’s close confidant, told The Indian Express. “I have spoken to Rahul Gandhi about the issue,” he added.In his speech in Malegaon on Sunday, Uddhav Thackeray had warned Rahul Gandhi that the Sena (UBT) would not tolerate any insult to Savarkar. “Savarkar is our deity…we will not tolerate any insult to him,” Thackeray had said.Asked whether Gandhi had promised not to raise the Savarkar issue again, Raut said, “We do not want to speak about it anymore. As I have said, the matter has been resolved.”When asked what the party’s stand would be if Gandhi raises the issue again, Raut said, “If Rahul Gandhi raises the issue again, we will see what to do… But we are confident he will not raise the issue.”Raut said the Shiv Sena (UBT) will be attending the meetings convened by the Opposition or the Congress. The Sena had on Monday night skipped a meeting convened by Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge. “We are firmly united with the Opposition to save democracy and dislodge the BJP from power,” Raut said.On Tuesday, Congress communication head Jairam Ramesh said 19 parties were saying in one voice that democracy was in danger and “we have to unitedly face and fight the dictatorial government”. The Shiv Sena (UBT), he said, was one of the 19 parties.“There were 18 parties last night. Today, I have said 19. The number will go up from 18 to 19 when Shiv Sena is part of the group,” Ramesh said at a press conference in Delhi on Tuesday. To this, Raut said, “We are with the Congress and the Opposition…We will be attending all their meetings.”

Cong mulls over no-confidence notice against Om Birla
The Indian Express | 12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

As the Congress on Tuesday stepped up its protest against the “hasty” disqualification of Rahul Gandhi as a Lok Sabha MP, party MP Manish Tewari is learnt to have suggested to the leadership that it should give a notice to move a no-confidence motion against Speaker Om Birla.The leadership asked Tewari to draft the notice and he handed it over on Tuesday. The party, sources said, had not yet taken a call on pursuing it. Sources said the leadership was not sure if the other Opposition parties would come on board. Sources said the leaders of some Opposition parties had signalled their reluctance to get behind such a move. The Congress leadership, sources said, does not want to do anything that may signal division in the Opposition camp.According to the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha, a member “wishing to give notice of a resolution … for the removal of the Speaker or the Deputy Speaker shall do so in writing to the Secretary-General” and “on receipt of a notice … a motion for leave to move the resolution shall be entered in the list of business in the name of the member concerned, on a day fixed by the Speaker, provided that the day so fixed shall be any day after fourteen days from the date of the receipt of notice of the resolution”.Since the Budget Session of Parliament is set to conclude in a week, the move, even if pursued by the Congress, has largely symbolic value given that the motion can be listed only after 14 days from the date of the receipt of the notice. Some of the leaders said the idea could be pursued to make a political point.In 2020, 12 Opposition parties submitted a no-confidence resolution seeking the removal of Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairperson Harivansh. But then Chairperson M Venkaiah Naidu rejected it on the ground that the resolution should serve a notice period of 14 days and that it was not in “proper format”.In the past, resolutions seeking the removal of the Speaker have been given at least thrice — against the first Lok Sabha Speaker G V Mavalankar in 1951, Sardar Hukam Singh in 1966, and Balram Jakhar in 1987.

Cong mulls over no-confidence notice against Om Birla
'Amritpal, his aide were in Delhi, stayed with DU student in her flat’
The Indian Express | 12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

Days before Nepal put fugitive Amritpal Singh on its surveillance list, intelligence agencies have found that he was in Delhi. According to sources, a second-year Delhi University student purportedly provided shelter to him and his associate Papalpreet at her rented flat in East Delhi’s Laxmi Nagar.A senior officer from the Delhi Police has confirmed the same. Intelligence agencies, along with Punjab Police, are now questioning the woman.Amritpal has been on the run since March 18 when Punjab Police launched a crackdown on him and his outfit, Waris Punjab De.Intelligence agencies have also found CCTV footage from March 21, from Sai Chowk in Madhu Vihar, that purportedly shows Amritpal and his aide walking on the streets after leaving her house. In the footage, a man who is purportedly Amritpal is seen sporting a different look — his hair hanging loose, with no turban and his face covered with a mask. The man is wearing a jacket and glasses and is walking ahead of another man who is wearing a turban, glasses and mask.Sources told The Indian Express that the woman allegedly met Papalpreet during the farmers’ protest in Delhi and he had visited her house twice earlier. They said she is from an area near his village.“The woman told police during her questioning that on March 20, around 8.20 pm, the two men, in disguise, reached her house. She had never met Amritpal before, and Papalpreet requested her to provide them shelter for a night. She offered them food and they slept at her house,” a source said.Officers said they left after lunch on March 21. “Intelligence agencies got to know about this input, and they have verified the same after coordinating with the Delhi Police. Punjab police were also informed; they are questioning the woman before taking legal action against her,” a source said.Meanwhile, the Punjab government Tuesday informed the Punjab and Haryana High Court that they were coordinating with several agencies and were close to catching Amritpal, the assertion coming after the pro-Khalistan preacher’s counsel claimed he was being held in illegal custody. The HC took up for hearing a habeas corpus petition filed by Advocate Imaan Singh Khara, which claimed that Amritpal was in “illegal custody” of Punjab Police.Punjab Advocate General Vinod Ghai, however, told the court that Amritpal has not been arrested yet and they were coordinating with multiple agencies to nab him. Upon this, the bench of Justice NS Shekhawat asked Khara to file an affidavit to produce evidence that Amritpal was in police custody and pointed out that the state’s stand was that the preacher had not been arrested. If provided evidence, Justice Shekhawat said, the court would direct the relevant officials to conduct a raid and provide relief to the petitioner.The court, while fixing March 29 as the next date of hearing in the case, directed the Punjab government to file an affidavit, through the Inspector General of Police concerned. 

'Amritpal, his aide were in Delhi, stayed with DU student in her flat’
Tirupati Trust gets its FCRA registration back; renewed for five years
The Indian Express | 12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

A day after The Indian Express report (March 27, 2023) on the accumulated foreign currency funds of the Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams (TTD), the Ministry of Home Affairs has renewed its registration under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA).An electronic intimation received by the TTD shows that its registration — pending since July 17, 2019 — has been “approved by the competent authority” for a five-year period with a retrospective effect from the year 2020.It was in 2019 when it applied for a renewal, that the FCRA registration that the TTD was placed under “suspension” and two notices of payment of penalties were received by the Trust, considered the richest religious Trust in the country.The latest penalty notice received by the TTD was on March 5, 2023, when it was asked to pay penalties to the tune of Rs 3.19 crore for not submitting its Annual Returns in the prescribed manner.As reported earlier, in its communications with the Ministry of Home Affairs, the TTD had been pointing out that it was the divergence of regulations between the FCRA Department and the Andhra Pradesh Charitable and Hindu Religious Institutions Endowments Act (APCHR) — under which it was governed — that had led to the discrepancies in its accounting.The problems of the TTD over foreign currency receipts had mounted since following the amended rules of the FCRA in 2020, the State Bank of India had turned down their requests of depositing foreign currency notes dropped in Hundi’s — without the names of donors — in the designated bank account.The result: Foreign currency donations adding up to Rs 26.86 crore have piled up in over a year. The TTD recently sent the Home Ministry the break-up that includes US Dollars worth Rs 11.50 crore; Malaysian Ringgits Rs 5.93 crore and Singapore Dollars Rs 4.06 crore.Last year, according to reports, TTD received Rs 1,450 crore as total “Hundi collections”.

Tirupati Trust gets its FCRA registration back; renewed for five years
In poll-bound K'taka, Cong's Shivakumar showers Rs 500 notes during roadshow
The Indian Express | 12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

With Karnataka polls just around the corner, a video showing state Congress president DK Shivakumar showering currency notes on crowds during a roadshow has stirred a row.In the video, Shivakumar, during the ‘Praja Dhwani Yatra’ organised by the Congress in Bevinahalli in the Mandya district Tuesday, was seen flinging Rs 500 notes from the rooftop of a bus.#WATCH | Karnataka Congress Chief DK Shivakumar was seen throwing Rs 500 currency notes on the artists near Bevinahalli in Mandya district during the ‘Praja Dhwani Yatra’ organized by Congress in Srirangapatna. (28.03) pic.twitter.com/aF2Lf0pksi— ANI (@ANI) March 29, 2023Karnataka Chief Minister Basavaraj Bommai hit out at Congress, accusing the party of resorting to different tactics to garner votes. Slamming Shivakumar, Bommai said, “He (DK Shivakumar) does everything and blatantly uses all kinds of power. Congress thinks that the people (of Karnataka) are beggars but the people will teach them. People are the real owners,” news agency ANI reported.Bommai has also accused the state Congress chief of luring BJP MLAs by offering them tickets in constituencies where the party is yet to announce its candidates.“KPCC President D K Shivakumar since the last two to three days has been making phone calls to our MLAs in 100 constituencies where they are yet to announce candidates. He is stating that if you (BJP MLAs) come (to Congress) we will give you the ticket,” Bommai was quoted by news agency PTI as saying.Shivakumar is set to contest from his traditional seat of Kanakapura, according to the Congress’s first list of 124 candidates. The party is yet to announce tickets for 100 seats in the 224-seat Assembly.

In poll-bound K'taka, Cong's Shivakumar showers Rs 500 notes during roadshow
Gujarat MLA Jignesh Mevani, 9 others acquitted in 2017 rally case
The Indian Express | 12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

The Mehsana district and sessions court on Wednesday acquitted Congress MLA Jignesh Mevani and nine others in a case related to a rally they held from Mehsana town in July 2017 without police permission. The court termed the prosecution’s case “baseless” after a magistrate court had sentenced the 10 accused to three months imprisonment and Rs 1,000 fine each for unlawful assembly.Among those acquitted is former NCP member and now AAP Gujarat spokesperson Reshma Patel.Additional District Judge C M Pawar pronounced the verdict endorsing the right to deliberate discuss and debate in a democracy.  Two appeals were filed at the district and sessions court after the magisterial court’s verdict convicting Mevani and 9 others in May 2022. One appeal was filed by the state seeking enhancement of punishment and another appeal was filed by the 10 accused who were held guilty, challenging their conviction.The court of ADJ Pawar held that no harm was caused, no police were harmed and no Section 144 under CrPC was in force at the time of the said offence.On July 12, 2017, to mark one year of the infamous public flogging of some Dalits in Una that had led to a large-scale agitation in the state, Mevani and his associates had led an ‘Azadi Kooch’ from Mehsana to Dhanera of neighbouring Banaskantha district.One of Mevani’s associates, Kaushik Parmar, had sought permission for the rally under the banner of Rashtriya Dalit Adhikar Manch, an organisation founded by Mevani, from the Mehsana executive magistrate. Initially, the permission was granted but it was subsequently revoked by the authority.  The rally was still carried out by the organisers.

Gujarat MLA Jignesh Mevani, 9 others acquitted in 2017 rally case
The con man in Naya Kashmir
The Indian Express | 12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

The Gujarat con man who was caught in Kashmir after a four month-long hoax on the Jammu & Kashmir administration will be remembered in times to come as someone who accidentally shone a light on the opaque structures of “naya Kashmir”.Kiran Patel is, at first sight, no different from con men across the country who pose as IAS or IPS officers to make a quick buck from the gullible. The eagerness to bow before authority is an everyday Indian tragicomedy.But this con man was unique, for the sheer length of time that he kept his “victims” hooked, who his victims were, and for the location in which the hoax played out. Kashmir Valley is one of the most securitised areas of the world. It may be pleasant for tourists, but the terrorist threat still looms large. So much so that officials are only too quick to jump at shadows.Kashmiri journalists, merely doing their job, have been picked up for “glorifying” terrorists, and kept in prison under the draconian UAPA for months. A religious leader has been in undeclared house arrest for more than three years allegedly because the administration fears his potential as a mobiliser. A political worker trying to mainstream young people vulnerable to militant propaganda was accused of a nexus with terrorists and jailed for two years. With Patel, however, all disbelief was suspended.Over multiple visits since last November, Patel, who distributed cards describing himself as an “Additional Director (Strategy and Campaign)” in the Prime Minister’s Office, extracted from a willing administration expensive security cover, accommodation in a five-star hotel in Srinagar, as well as a conducted tour of the Line of Control near Uri. He held meetings with government officials, threw his weight around. Not only did he get the administration to book him into a fine hotel, officials seeking favourable postings courted him. Some officials who had doubts about him fought them back, fearful of the consequences of voicing them. In Naya Kashmir, questioning authority is risky business.Contrast this credulousness of Kashmir’s officialdom with the callousness with which the same system treats the powerless. Consider, for instance, that in the height of winter, officials in Srinagar undertook an anti-encroachment drive without giving prior notice to those who would be affected. Until someone in the hierarchy was confident enough to say that this was not the way forward, and was heard in Delhi.After the hoax came to light, Srinagar Mayor Junaid Mattoo tweeted: “There is one Kiran Patel per every square kilometer of Kashmir today. And the blame doesn’t rest with an officer or two. Blame lies with the new political ecosystem… ”He is not far wrong. The desperate efforts to manufacture “pro-India” nationalism in the Valley since the 2019 reorganisation of the erstwhile J&K state have given rise to a new system of patronage that has created space for poseurs. Officials are unquestioningly subservient to this new category of persons who claim proximity to personages at the top of the food chain, in Srinagar, Delhi, or Nagpur.The J&K media is particularly vulnerable to this trend. In 2020, the J&K Administration rolled out a new policy through which the Information Department assumed powers to decide what constitutes “fake news” or “anti-national” news. News organisations not toeing the line would be punished by denying them government advertisements, the mainstay of most newspapers in India. Officials have also used other heavy-handed measures such as the UAPA and the PSA with the result that even those whose job it is to question now only copy-paste government press releases on their front pages. On the other hand, many with thin journalistic credentials have been quick to offer themselves as protectors of this egregious policy and are even feted for it by officialdom.Speaking to a news channel, former chief minister Mehbooba Mufti described this new breed of media VIPs as “thugs” who had been given “full authority” and were preventing genuine journalists from doing their jobs. “You know who they are,” she said.In the same period that Patel held officials in thrall, another episode was unfolding, that has raised troubling questions about the functioning of the Army, an old problem, but this time with a naya twist. In December 2022, a youth disappeared from his home in Kunan village in Kupwara after being picked up by the Army. Three days later, when his family went to the army camp to find out about him, they were told he had escaped.In February this year, three leaders of the JK Awami Awaz Party, which had come into existence in early 2022, addressed a press conference in Srinagar alleging that the youth had been killed by the Army. They also spoke out against the Administration’s eviction drive. Then, they made an astonishing claim: Their party, they said, had been set up by the Army. The Army was quick to dismiss the claim and declared that it did not support any political group or party. But the incident led to rumblings within.The party’s website, now no longer available, had videos dating back to early 2022, showing “pro-India” activities from January to March last year, such as a “Tiranga rally” at Lal Chowk and the national flag hoisting on Republic Day. Photographs showed its leaders posing with the national flag at Lal Chowk.But, said party leaders at the press conference, seeing “what India is doing with Kashmiris” and “to Indian Muslims”, they were now seeking “azaadi”. Quick on the heels of the press conference, the three men, who just months before had planted the Tricolour in many places in Srinagar, were arrested for “anti-national” activities.Incidentally, two weeks after this, on March 1, the decomposed body of the missing youth was found, 75 days after he had disappeared. The appearance of the body led to massive protests in the Kunan Poshpora area. The police have said they will investigate the matter further, but it is not clear how far that will go.These elements of “naya Kashmir”, seemingly unconnected, are telling snapshots — of authority that apparently cannot be questioned, that is unaccountable and functions in a climate of impunity, without even the media acting as a check. This is the backdrop against which a conman, who clearly read the room correctly, jets into Srinagar, claims to be in high office, and proceeds to take the entire administration for a grand ride. He wasn’t the first. He won’t be the last.

The con man in Naya Kashmir

Maharashtra Political News

The Opposition is being vanquished by unfair means. And there is no reaction
The Indian Express | 1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

India’s political system is veering towards a full-blown tyranny. The targeting of Opposition leaders leading to the farcical disqualification of Rahul Gandhi, the hounding of civil society and research organisations, censorship of information, the suppression of protest, are harbingers of a full-blown system of rule where all the interlocking parts add up to the one objective of tyrannical rule: To create pervasive fear.These actions are alarming, not because this or that leader has been targeted. They are alarming because the current BJP government is signaling not just that it will not tolerate the Opposition. It will not, under any circumstances, even contemplate or allow a smooth transition of power. For, what these actions reveal is a ruthless lust for power, combined with a determination to use any means to secure it. Neither the form of power the BJP seeks, nor the ends they deploy to achieve it, knows any constraints or bounds. That is the quintessential hallmark of tyranny.In a democracy, a smooth transition of power in a fair election requires several conditions. The ruthless crushing of the Opposition and the squelching of liberty erodes these conditions. The first is that professional politicians treat each other as members of the same profession, not as existential enemies to be vanquished by any means. Once a regime does that to its opponents, it fears the consequences of losing power. It can no longer rest in the comfortable belief that democracy is a game of rotating power; transitions should be routine. Can you now imagine Prime Minister Narendra Modi or Amit Shah or their minions calmly contemplating the prospect that they could ever be in the Opposition, after the hubris they have deployed against opponents and critics? The hallmark of tyrants is impunity in power and therefore an existential fear of losing it.The issue is not whether the government is popular. It may well be. Tyranny can be a stepchild of democracy, as Plato knew so well. The insatiable show and assertion of power the BJP is engaged in traps them in a logic where they will seek to create the conditions in which a fair and open contest is no longer possible. Their institutional imagination is paranoid — desperately trying to shut out even the slightest opening from which light might appear. What else but a paranoid system would target small think tanks or civil society organisations that do social service? What else but a paranoid system would appear to politically orchestrate a disqualification of an Opposition MP?And this same paranoia will make the prospect of even risking a fair electoral contest from now on a non-starter. Paranoia is the seed of all repression and we are now seeing it in full measure.Political parties that situate themselves as unique vanguards of a majoritarian national identity find it difficult to relinquish power. In normal politics there are many sides to an argument, and we can all pretend that different sides are acting in good faith even when we disagree. But when the ideological project is singularly communal and wears the garb of nationalism, every dissent is treated as treason. Ideological parties like the BJP will play by the electoral rules when they are not in a position to wield power, or when they feel electorally secure. But once this regime is entrenched, it will think it is its historical destiny to act as a kind of nationalist vanguard, no matter what the circumstances.In its own imagination, this nationalism will justify everything: From playing footloose with the law to outright violence. It has institutionalised vigilantism, violence and hate into the fabric of politics and the state. But this culture is not just difficult to dismantle. It is also part of a preparation to exercise other options in case a purely political hold on power is no longer possible. Parties that have institutionalised structures of violence are less likely to give up power unless they are massively repudiated.But the logic of tyranny goes further. Increasingly, the issue is not just the weaknesses of the Opposition parties. Even in the wake of this disqualification, Congress’s political reflexes, the willingness of its members to risk anything, and its ability to mobilise street power, is seriously in doubt. Opposition unity is still a chimera, more performative at the moment than real.But has the psychology of tyranny now been internalised by enough Indians to make resistance more difficult? India still has the potential for protest on many issues. But what is increasingly in doubt is whether India wishes to resist deepening authoritarianism.To take one example, India’s elites, broadly understood, have gone well past the quotidian fear of those in power. This kind of fear often expresses itself in a gap between public utterances and private beliefs. But what is happening is something far more insidious, where a combination of fear or outright support for government is so deeply internalised that even private demurring from blatantly authoritarian and communal actions has become rare. Ask any victim, who has been the object of the state’s wrath, whether they are at the receiving end of horrendous violence, or targets of administrative or legal harassment. Even the private shows of support will disappear as swiftly as the state intervenes. This suggests either a deep-seated cowardice or a normalisation of authoritarianism.The hallmark of a successful tyranny is to induce a sense of unreality in those who support it. This sense of unreality means no disconfirming evidence can dent their support for the regime. In this world, India has little unemployment, its institutions are fine, it has ascended to the glorious heights of world leadership, it has not ceded any territory to China, and there is no concentration of capital or regulatory capture. But the unreality centres mostly on the lynchpin of this system of tyranny, the prime minister. In his hands, repression becomes an act of purification, his hubris a mark of his ambition, his decimation of institutions a national service.Institutionally and psychologically, we are already inhabiting a tyranny, even if its violence is not in your face. A regime that is paranoid and full of impunity will overreach. But what is the threshold of overreach? The threshold seems to be shifting higher and higher. Communalism was unleashed. No reaction. The information order collapsed. No reaction. The judicial heart stopped beating. No reaction. The Opposition is being vanquished by unfair means. No reaction. Such is the logic of tyranny that the ogres of oppression roam free, while we look on indifferently as justice and freedom are tied in chains.

The Opposition is being vanquished by unfair means. And there is no reaction
  • Opposition is being vanquished by unfair means. And there is no reaction
  • The Indian Express

    India’s political system is veering towards a full-blown tyranny. The targeting of Opposition leaders leading to the farcical disqualification of Rahul Gandhi, the hounding of civil society and research organisations, censorship of information, the suppression of protest, are harbingers of a full-blown system of rule where all the interlocking parts add up to the one objective of tyrannical rule: To create pervasive fear.These actions are alarming, not because this or that leader has been targeted. They are alarming because the current BJP government is signaling not just that it will not tolerate the Opposition. It will not, under any circumstances, even contemplate or allow a smooth transition of power. For, what these actions reveal is a ruthless lust for power, combined with a determination to use any means to secure it. Neither the form of power the BJP seeks, nor the ends they deploy to achieve it, knows any constraints or bounds. That is the quintessential hallmark of tyranny.In a democracy, a smooth transition of power in a fair election requires several conditions. The ruthless crushing of the Opposition and the squelching of liberty erodes these conditions. The first is that professional politicians treat each other as members of the same profession, not as existential enemies to be vanquished by any means. Once a regime does that to its opponents, it fears the consequences of losing power. It can no longer rest in the comfortable belief that democracy is a game of rotating power; transitions should be routine. Can you now imagine Prime Minister Narendra Modi or Amit Shah or their minions calmly contemplating the prospect that they could ever be in the Opposition, after the hubris they have deployed against opponents and critics? The hallmark of tyrants is impunity in power and therefore an existential fear of losing it.The issue is not whether the government is popular. It may well be. Tyranny can be a stepchild of democracy, as Plato knew so well. The insatiable show and assertion of power the BJP is engaged in traps them in a logic where they will seek to create the conditions in which a fair and open contest is no longer possible. Their institutional imagination is paranoid — desperately trying to shut out even the slightest opening from which light might appear. What else but a paranoid system would target small think tanks or civil society organisations that do social service? What else but a paranoid system would appear to politically orchestrate a disqualification of an Opposition MP?And this same paranoia will make the prospect of even risking a fair electoral contest from now on a non-starter. Paranoia is the seed of all repression and we are now seeing it in full measure.Political parties that situate themselves as unique vanguards of a majoritarian national identity find it difficult to relinquish power. In normal politics there are many sides to an argument, and we can all pretend that different sides are acting in good faith even when we disagree. But when the ideological project is singularly communal and wears the garb of nationalism, every dissent is treated as treason. Ideological parties like the BJP will play by the electoral rules when they are not in a position to wield power, or when they feel electorally secure. But once this regime is entrenched, it will think it is its historical destiny to act as a kind of nationalist vanguard, no matter what the circumstances.In its own imagination, this nationalism will justify everything: From playing footloose with the law to outright violence. It has institutionalised vigilantism, violence and hate into the fabric of politics and the state. But this culture is not just difficult to dismantle. It is also part of a preparation to exercise other options in case a purely political hold on power is no longer possible. Parties that have institutionalised structures of violence are less likely to give up power unless they are massively repudiated.But the logic of tyranny goes further. Increasingly, the issue is not just the weaknesses of the Opposition parties. Even in the wake of this disqualification, Congress’s political reflexes, the willingness of its members to risk anything, and its ability to mobilise street power, is seriously in doubt. Opposition unity is still a chimera, more performative at the moment than real.But has the psychology of tyranny now been internalised by enough Indians to make resistance more difficult? India still has the potential for protest on many issues. But what is increasingly in doubt is whether India wishes to resist deepening authoritarianism.To take one example, India’s elites, broadly understood, have gone well past the quotidian fear of those in power. This kind of fear often expresses itself in a gap between public utterances and private beliefs. But what is happening is something far more insidious, where a combination of fear or outright support for government is so deeply internalised that even private demurring from blatantly authoritarian and communal actions has become rare. Ask any victim, who has been the object of the state’s wrath, whether they are at the receiving end of horrendous violence, or targets of administrative or legal harassment. Even the private shows of support will disappear as swiftly as the state intervenes. This suggests either a deep-seated cowardice or a normalisation of authoritarianism.The hallmark of a successful tyranny is to induce a sense of unreality in those who support it. This sense of unreality means no disconfirming evidence can dent their support for the regime. In this world, India has little unemployment, its institutions are fine, it has ascended to the glorious heights of world leadership, it has not ceded any territory to China, and there is no concentration of capital or regulatory capture. But the unreality centres mostly on the lynchpin of this system of tyranny, the prime minister. In his hands, repression becomes an act of purification, his hubris a mark of his ambition, his decimation of institutions a national service.Institutionally and psychologically, we are already inhabiting a tyranny, even if its violence is not in your face. A regime that is paranoid and full of impunity will overreach. But what is the threshold of overreach? The threshold seems to be shifting higher and higher. Communalism was unleashed. No reaction. The information order collapsed. No reaction. The judicial heart stopped beating. No reaction. The Opposition is being vanquished by unfair means. No reaction. Such is the logic of tyranny that the ogres of oppression roam free, while we look on indifferently as justice and freedom are tied in chains.

For pension panel, a red line: Turning clock back on reformsPremium Story
The Indian Express | 1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

THE committee under Finance Secretary TV Somanathan, announced by Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman last week, to relook at pension may not recommend a solution where the gains made over two decades are reversed, The Indian Express has learnt.That’s the big-picture sense from conversations with officials who have to balance the imperatives of politics in a pre-poll year and a reform that has withstood the pressures of time — and partisanship.There are options.One, increase the government contribution to the pension corpus of its employees from the current 14 per cent to such a level that the employee can expect 50 per cent of her last drawn basic pay as pension upon retirement.Indeed, one of the models being looked at is the Andhra Pradesh government proposal which has a “guarantee” that employees will get 50 per cent of the last drawn salary as pension.Officials said the government may also explore ways to make good for the increase in payout (dearness relief announced twice every year increases the pension by a certain percentage taking care of the rise in living expenses) as it happens under the old pension scheme (OPS).The NDA lost elections in 2004, the year NPS was implemented. But the Congress carried it forward. After a decade, when NDA returned under Modi, it consolidated the gains. But in 2019, just before elections, NDA hiked government contribution. Now, a fresh review again just ahead of 2024 polls.Whatever the formula that’s worked out, one thing is clear.The committee and its mandate mark a sharp turnaround in the Modi government’s support of the new pension system (NPS) — where contributions are defined, and benefits market-linked — which came into effect in January 2004, just a few months before the Lok Sabha elections.“There was no question of any looking back when the BJP under the leadership of Narendra Modi returned to power. His political conviction in pension reforms and fiscal conservatism meant the NPS was there to stay,” said an official.And yet there was no escaping the politics.In fact, the BJP’s electoral loss in May 2004 may have nothing to do with pension reforms – the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government was convinced of the economic rationale behind the move. But the party’s 10-year loss of power, between 2004 and 2014, is a memory that still stalks North Block.This when, in 2009, BJP’s loss in the Lok Sabha elections had not deterred the Congress from staying the course on pension reforms. With Manmohan Singh at the helm, and P Chidambaram as Finance Minister, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government earnestly implemented the NPS, exhorted states to follow suit, and also introduced a Bill to develop and regulate the pension sector. This was one of the many reforms that earned bipartisan support.There were four good reasons the government reformed the pension sector at the time it did: i) with increasing life spans, pension bills were ballooning, putting to risk future finances of the Centre and states, ii) a safety net for a very small percentage of workforce was being funded ironically by even the poor taxpayer, iii) inter-generational equity – the next generation footing the bill for the previous – presented a difficult-to-ignore moral hazard, and iv) India was at the cusp of a 50-year demographic dividend opportunity beginning 2005-05 with the best working age population ratio (workers or those in the 15-64 age group age/ dependents or those under 15 plus 65 and over).However, after the first five years in power, the BJP-led NDA government at the Centre did not take any chances. Just before Lok Sabha elections in 2019, it increased the employer’s contribution to NPS to 14 per cent of the employee’s basic pay every month from 10 per cent earlier; the employee continued to contribute only 10 per cent of her basic pay.The timing was not lost on those keeping a tab on BJP’s economic thinking; this came into effect from April 1, 2019.Now with just a year to go for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP is acutely aware of an altered economic and social landscape. The straws in the wind have been there for the past couple of years.Low growth that precedes the pandemic, job and income losses during Covid-19, stretched financial resources of people due to medical expenditure, and high inflation – which works like a painful tax on the poor, have highlighted the inadequacy of safety nets for a bulk of the country’s people. The political class cannot be blind to this. To discount the giveaways in recent Budgets by even fiscally prudent states like Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra as an election freebie will be drawing a wrong message.It is in this backdrop that government employees are demanding a return of the old pension scheme. At least five states (Congress-ruled Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Himachal Pradesh, JMM-led Jharkhand, and Aam Aadmi Party-led Punjab) have done so, having already notified the old pension scheme.The Congress win of the Assembly elections in Himachal, which most attribute to its promise to bring back OPS, has made the BJP leadership anxious. In Maharashtra, protests by state government employees prompted the Eknath Shinde government, whose finance minister is BJP’s Devendra Fadnavis, to set up a committee and address the NPS shortcomings. Some national employee unions continue to protest too, giving calls for rallies demanding restoration of OPS.Then, there is the insider bias. A section of senior IAS bureaucrats – who have the political executive’s ear – feel their juniors who joined service after January 1, 2004, can’t be left to the “mercy” of markets while seniors retire with the assurance of a continuously rising pension kitty.This conversation on NPS has been in the top echelons of power for a while now. Not that the Prime Minister is not aware of these noises around him. But if his preference for fiscal prudence is an indication, he will be happy only with a solution that doesn’t put the future of state finances in jeopardy.

For pension panel, a red line: Turning clock back on reformsPremium Story
'Raj Bhavan should be jan bhavan... Nothing prevents it from being accessible'Premium Story
The Indian Express | 2 days ago | 27-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
2 days ago | 27-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

CV Ananda Bose on how as Governor of West Bengal he follows the path of conciliation and cooperation, the relevance of his post, and why Indian democracy is still vibrant and buoyant. This session was moderated by Deputy Political Editor Liz MathewLiz Mathew: West Bengal Raj Bhavan has now become a role model for a cordial relationship between the elected government in the state and the governor. How did you do that?I was only a mute witness to the process of evolution that is taking place in the concept of cooperative federalism in the country. In place of confrontation, we should have conciliation. Antipathy should be replaced by empathy. And passion should be tempered with compassion. A middle path is always better for society. The Raj Bhavan should become a no-conflict zone. I’m happy that this concept has been subscribed to by all the enlightened stakeholders of Bengal, including the political setup, the media, the government, the judiciary.Be it a politician or a bureaucrat, their first, second and third duty is to the people. People are supreme. And if anything goes wrong, Indian democracy has a lot of buoyancy and mid-course correction can be doneLiz Mathew: Your father was so fascinated by Subhas Chandra Bose’s ideology that he named you after him. You have also started cultural exchanges between West Bengal and other states, including Kerala. How relevant is it?When cultural cooperation takes place effectively, there is a shared heritage… When politics invades culture, there is chaos. When culture enters politics, there is refinement. People of my generation in Kerala have read Bengali novels. Almost every week, leading journalists would bring out translations of Tarashankar Banerji and other great writers of Bengal. Gurudev Tagore was a household name in Kerala. I remember having fallen in love with Mini (from Rabindranath Tagore’s short story Kabuliwala) at the age of eight. When I was in college, Satyajit Ray, Ritwik Ghatak, Mrinal Sen were our heroes and role models. So that cultural affinity between Bengal and Kerala has always been there. Now, with the cooperation of the government of West Bengal, particularly the Education Minister, we hit upon the idea of a Kerala-Bengal culture corridor. The process has already started. We are inviting artists, writers, painters, dancers from both states for exchange programmes.Liz Mathew: Centre-State relations have recommended that a political person should not be in a constitutional post which calls for impartiality. What is your view?It depends on the attitude and approach of the individuals who occupy these positions. I do not find anything wrong with a political leader occupying a constitutional profession. We have great statesmen who are also good politicians. The bureaucracy is thrice removed from the people. In a democracy, particularly the democratic setup in India, we, the people, gave this Constitution to ourselves. The authorities, including bureaucrats and politicians, get authority to be the dispensers of India’s destiny because the people have given it to them. So be it a politician or a bureaucrat, their first, second and third duty is to the people. People are supreme. And if anything goes wrong, Indian democracy has a lot of buoyancy and that mid-course correction is done.Vandita Mishra: Now that the West Bengal governor’s house is a place of calm, what would you say to other governors in other states, where we have seen a pattern of BJP-appointed governors taking on the opposition-ruled governments so openly?I have neither the inclination nor the competence to deliver value judgments on my counterparts in other states. They all have their own style and each state has its own milieu.Amrith Lal: You were a popular bureaucrat in Kerala and cited people like (Ritwik) Ghatak, (Mrinal) Sen and (Tarashankar) Banerjee as inspirations. So, how did you end up with the BJP?Right from my birth, I was a part of the bharatiya janta. It’s only recently that the ‘party’ element has been added… I belong to all parties.Bengal has led the nation in many spheres… it is all decided by the will of the people… Bengalis have an inner strength. Once they tap into that, no force can prevent Bengal from reaching its destination as a world leaderLiz Mathew: You recently had an issue — the tenure of West Bengal Vice Chancellors (VCs). It was a setback initially but you made it an opportunity. Could you tell us how you resolved that issue?As a Chancellor and Governor, it is my duty to see that a Supreme Court judgment is upheld. There were only two ways open before me. I called the VCs and told them — one was that if the VCs feel that a Supreme Court judgment is binding on all of India, they have the option to resign, but I am not pressing them for that. Otherwise, the other option: termination notice. All of them said, ‘Sir we’re resigning.’ Nobody had any objection. It was a very graceful resignation. I compliment the VCs for their magnanimity. I didn’t have to issue the notice. But the next day, they had no place to go, and I had to run the universities. There is nothing that prevents the Chancellor from requesting the same Vice Chancellor to continue for two-three months in an interim or caretaker arrangement…The government also cooperated. We are glad that the High Court has completely endorsed the position.Liz Mathew: There is an alleged overreach of the judiciary into the executive. How do you see this?Separation of powers is basic to the constitutional democracy that we have adopted in this country: the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. There are defined areas of operation for them… Our democratic system is strong enough to face any eventuality and come up with acceptable solutions.Shubhajit Roy: In terms of the country’s economic improvement and growth trajectory, Bengal has lagged behind other states. What do you think plagues Bengal?Every state has its own ups and downs. Bengal has led the nation in many spheres. It has potential and Bengal will develop it. In a democracy, it is all decided by the will of the people… governments will come and go, but I treat Bengal as a state. Bengalis, as a people, have an inner strength. Once they tap into that, no force can prevent Bengal from reaching its destination as a leader of the nation.Independence of the media is very important and Indian democracy protects that, the Constitution protects that, and the courts are there… there are checks in place… Dissent is the essence of democracyLiz Mathew: What are the challenges before the state?Gopal Krishna Gokhale had said, what Bengal thinks today, India will think tomorrow. Bengal is still capable. There may be many factors which stand in the way. These may be political, economic, or cultural. These factors have to be addressed separately. A comprehensive view is to be taken on how Bengal can go forward, which the political system, particularly the democratic system, will be able to address adequately from time to time.P Vaidyanathan Iyer: There have been a perception of corruption and rising violence, at times related to elections also. What has been your sense in the last four or five months?There will and should be zero tolerance to corruption. Violence has no place in democratic elections. Force is no arbiter. The Constitution is to be upheld. Whenever there is laxity in maintaining law and order, as a constitutional head, the governor will not remain a mute witness. Effective and proactive action will be taken as is mandated by the Constitution of India.P Vaidyanathan Iyer: What is the status on the Lokayukta? Are you looking at a revised ordinance or bill?As per the Lokayukta Act, the Lokayukta cannot be given reappointment in any manner — in the public sector, private sector, cooperative sector. But somehow the will of the legislators was to give reappointment. What is reflected in the amendment was that the term can be renewed. In my opinion, renewal can be done only when somebody holds office. Once somebody has remitted the office, renewal cannot be done, so reappointment is not possible. So, the amendment is not valid. Then, what is the way out? Amend the act within the framework of the Constitution and the law of the land. That is why that file was returned, because there is no legal provision for it. The legislators’ intention was not reflected in the way the amendment was made. Now, it has not come back to me. So, I cannot comment on that. Once the amendment is done, the situation will be different.Monojit Majumdar: The friction between the office of the governor and elected governments, especially Opposition governments, is historical. Do you feel there is an overall shrinking of space for disagreement in Indian politics?Democracy is an evolutionary process. As we evolve, new problems may come and new solutions will also come. So, I don’t think there is anything strange or disturbing. Conflict of interest has always been there in any growing society. From the conflict, a balance should emerge. The quality of the balance is what determines the strength of society. I see the death throes of an old order and the birth of pangs of a new one in the so-called conflicts.Sudhakar Jagdish: Panchayat elections are to be held. Will you take a preemptive action regarding the deployment of Central forces, considering the violent rural elections that have taken place in West Bengal earlier?I would not use the word preemptive, I would prefer the word proactive. All proactive steps will certainly be taken. In an event of an election, particularly panchayat elections, where millions are involved, a conscientious administrator should look at four points: intelligence, preparation for action, action and mopping up. Intelligence — get all information about the goings on in the field. Check if the ecosystem permits people to come and vote freely and if there are any disturbing forces working from behind. Preparation for action — law and order have to be maintained. I can’t say whether Central forces will come or not… Action is on the day for voting. There should be freedom for everyone to come and exercise their vote without fear or favour. Then mopping up — if there are a few conflicts and skirmishes, these are all part of democracy. Steps should be taken for that also. This four-fold approach will be taken and whatever decisions are required, it will be proactively taken.Liz Mathew: The BJP state leadership seems to be upset with the way you are functioning. Have you addressed their concerns?I have interacted with all political parties and non-political groups there. I listen to them. Whatever is possible from the part of the governor, I try to do it without delay… Criticism is good and improves you. I’m very hopeful that if winter comes, spring cannot be far behind.Vijay Jha: In today’s political environment, how relevant is the post of the governor?The post of the governor has relevance… The nominated governorship’s role and relevance were defined in the Constitution… The governor has the right to be consulted, the right to be informed and the right to intervene… governors are also given discretionary powers. These are to be used very sparingly, to uphold the Constitution and to clear a constitutional backlog. The governor still has relevance as a friend, philosopher and guide to the elected government.Sudhakar Jagdish: But when the governor takes on a bipartisan role, don’t you think this argument of scrapping the whole governor’s office gains strength?Canadian statesman Lester B Pearson said, ‘It’s easy to frame a constitution but difficult to make it work.’ That is the fate of the constitution where democracy is there. I think there is a silver lining. I’m sure institutional ownership will improve. Whether a governor stands by truth or not, is for posterity to decide.Avishek G Dastidar: In your meetings with the chief minister, have you exchanged gifts?She gifted me a lot of goodwill. I gifted her a lot of understanding.Avishek G Dastidar: Since you’re living in Kolkata, how is your life there? What do you like about Bengalis?What I love most about Bengal is that it’s full of Bengalis… Calcutta is a city with a soul. People are very accommodating, sentimental, emotional and friendly. There is a larger humanity which pervades it.Monojit Majumdar: Is there one figure from either Kerala or West Bengal who guides you in the way you conduct yourself?That one and only figure is Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.Kaushik Das Gupta: You spoke about democracy as an evolutionary process. What do you think would be the challenges of the governor in this new order?The designation of the governor itself is intriguing. The governor does not govern. He’s like the Speaker. The Speaker does not speak. That’s the beauty of democracy. I don’t think I feel any special challenge this position… It’s an evolutionary process.Vandita Mishra: How would you define this new order that you are saying is going to be born?There is a growing feeling among the entire world that democracy can deliver only if there is good governance. We must be able to put in place systems of good governance and ensure that these systems will work. That is going to be the biggest challenge, not only for India but for any nation. I’m sure that Indian initiatives and good governance are widely noted by the world. Other democratic countries are following suit, particularly our insistence on inclusiveness in every sphere. I’m not saying that everything is perfect here, but the process has started. India is becoming a perfect democracy. The way of the world, in the future, is the Indian way. I feel proud that democracy has come of age. It has been tried, tested and found to be effective. We know how to do mid-course correction.Liz Mathew: There is growing criticism about the way Indian democracy functions, regarding freedom to dissent and speak, in every sphere of life. Do you see any point in that criticism?So long as the Indian press is assertive, democracy will flourish in this country. As Joseph Pulitzer said, ‘Our republic and its press will rise or fall together.’ This applies to all republics. The independence of the media is very important and Indian democracy protects that, the Constitution protects that, and the courts are there. There are sufficient checks and balances in a democracy. Dissent is the essence of democracy. There may be aberrations here and there because we are a growing democracy… I think, freedom of expression and democracy are safe in the hands of the vibrant and vigilant media.Liz Mathew: Unlike in the past, Raj Bhavans have become a hub of activities. What is the purpose of this?The Raj Bhavan is meant to be a neutral centre for encouraging the cultural and social life of the state. There is nothing which prevents it from becoming accessible to the people. We are going to make the Bengal Raj Bhavan more people-friendly. The process of dignified decolonisations is already taking place. We know that the Raj Bhavan represented the conquerors and intruders. We do not want to obliterate history, but democratic India has no need to glorify those who acted against the interests of this nation. Raj Bhavan should be jan bhavan.

'Raj Bhavan should be jan bhavan... Nothing prevents it from being accessible'Premium Story
As Amritpal manhunt continues, Akalis make a play for Panthic support
The Indian Express | 3 days ago | 26-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
3 days ago | 26-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

Beset by electoral setbacks and legal troubles, the police crackdown in Punjab in the wake of the Amritpal Singh episode has provided the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and the Badals an opportunity to regain its lost ground in Panthic politics, something that had made the party a strong political force starting in the 1990s.The SAD has been pushed to the margins of state politics since the debacles in the Assembly elections in 2017 and last year, with its tally plummeting to a record low of three constituencies. The party’s decline, in part, is a result of the erosion of its Panthic vote base that occurred because of the way it handled the sacrilege cases.The third incident of sacrilege on October 12, 2015, led to massive protests followed by heavy-handed police action that has remained a political issue in the state ever since. Police firing that day in Kotkapura alone left around 60 people injured, including over 30 police officials. The Badals, who were in power at the time, are still dealing with the legal fallout of the case. On March 16, a court in Faridkot declined the anticipatory bail plea of former Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh Badal but granted it to his father and former CM Parkash Singh Badal. Sukhbir then secured interim bail from the Punjab and Haryana High Court on March 22.Amid these troubles for the SAD, came the police crackdown and manhunt for Sikh preacher and Khalistan sympathiser Amritpal Singh. The police detained more than 200 people, but have started releasing some of them. On Friday, the police released 44 youngsters held under preventive detention and handed them over to their families. This came a day after Punjab Inspector General of Police (Headquarters) Sukhchain Singh Gill announced that 177 of the 207 people detained would be let off with a warning and action would be taken against 30 involved in “substantive criminal activities”.But the police action has drawn criticism from the SAD, which announced earlier this week that it would set up a legal cell to help the young men arrested by the police and those charged under the National Security Act (NSA). Former Akali Dal MLA Harinderpal Singh Chandumajra told The Indian Express on Saturday, “The party decided to help young, innocent youth after discussions among the senior leaders that Akali Dal, being the regional party representing the Sikh community, should come forward at his juncture where the youth in their early twenties were detained without any reason. Apart from the Sikh community, the issue also concerns human rights and freedom of speech and expression.”On Tuesday, announcing the move to provide legal help for the youths arrested Sukhbir Singh Badal said, “It is shocking that scores of youth are being arrested indiscriminately merely on suspicion.”“Many Sikh youths are being implicated in fake cases,” Akali Dal MLA Manpreet Singh Ayali said in the Assembly on Wednesday. “Over the years Punjab has gone through tough times. Sikhs in Punjab are being made to feel like slaves by invocation of the NSA.” Ayali’s party colleague Virsa Singh Valtoha has said the Amritpal episode is “an ordinary law-and-order situation” and condemned the use of the NSA.On Thursday, Parkash Singh Badal expressed concern over the “sequence of recent events in Punjab” and called for “an end to the ongoing wave of repression against innocents”. He also called for “maximum vigil” to preserve the hard-earned atmosphere of peace and communal harmony in the state. “This is a critical hour and it calls for an exercise of optimum restraint, sagacity and far-sightedness by those in power,” said Badal.Course correctionThe SAD’s statements and actions in the wake of the Amritpal episode illustrate its attempts to re-establish itself as the pre-eminent political party representing the interests of the Sikh community. But these actions have not come about in a vacuum but are part of a strategy the party adopted following a review conducted last year after its poll debacle. Among other recommendations, the review committee suggested a course correction and an overhaul in the functioning of the party to win back Panthic support.In November, Sukhbir attended the wedding of the grandson of Khalistani militant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who was killed in the Golden Temple in the Army’s Operation Bluestar in 1984. Then, in the first week of January, Sukhbir attended two events within days that signalled a shift in the party’s strategy. On January 1, the former Deputy CM visited the house of Satwant Singh, one of Indira Gandhi’s assassins, in Gurdaspur district’s Agwan village and also went to a local gurdwara constructed in Singh’s memory. Five days later, Sukhbir became the first Akali Dal president to visit the Golden Temple on January 6, which is the death anniversary of Satwant and another of Indira’s assassins, Kehar Singh.Professor Jagrup Singh Sekhon, a former head of the Department of Political Science at Guru Nanak Dev University, is sceptical about the political mileage the Akali Dal can derive from offering legal assistance to the arrested Sikh youth.“The Akali leadership has lost political sense. First, they condemned Amritpal on the Ajnala incident, then they initially kept mum after the police crackdown and later announced the offer of legal assistance to the arrested men. The Akali leadership appears to be cut off from the grassroots realities. Everyone is against the idea of Khalistan. The villagers who were the main support base of the Akali Dal were the ones who suffered the most during the days of militancy and terrorism. The (AAP-led state) government has said it will release 177 of the 207 detained and will proceed legally against 30 hardcore criminals. Who will the Akali Dal help? The ones involved in heinous crimes?”

As Amritpal manhunt continues, Akalis make a play for Panthic support
Amritpal arrest drama: The alarm bell in Punjab
The Indian Express | 1 week ago | 22-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
1 week ago | 22-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

Written by Pramod KumarHistory comes alive once again in Punjab with the emergence of a pro-Khalistan preacher Amritpal Singh and the unfolding of a cat and mouse game. These events have touched off different responses in the three Punjabs – Diaspora Punjab, Indian Punjab and Pakistan’s Punjab.In Diaspora Punjab, the political narrative echoes the Khalistan slogan, communally divisive and violative of national unity. In Indian Punjab, the support for Khalistan is only among the fringe elements and not divisive on religious lines, as communalism may have a long tongue but no teeth. The main political narrative has been peace and harmony at any cost. The Pakistan Punjab establishment has found a pretext in the current situation to revive its efforts to disturb the peace.Fortunately, for a large section of Punjabi society, the memories of the 1980s are still vivid. There is, thus, a greater responsibility on the political leadership and the state machinery not to make any concessions for those who wish to violate peace and harmony.Parallels drawn between the current moment and the times of Bhindranwale in the 1980s can be misleading. The current situation has its own specific features.First, the Punjab farmers are grappling with a crisis in agriculture. They have just emerged from a long protest movement that engulfed almost every facet of life in the state. They have realised that the traditional ways of doing agriculture and politics are in question and their future is uncertain.Secondly, moderate politics has been turned away from the protest sites — be it the Congress, the BJP, the Akalis, and even the AAP. The space vacated by the moderate political parties is being occupied by those like Waris Punjab De and other fringe elements encouraged and patronised by sections of the pro-Khalistan political outfits.Thirdly, the dominant narrative has been to bring closure to the tragic events by reaching out to the Sikh minority. The BJP has made efforts to reach out to the Sikh community, the Akalis are in retreat to consolidate their support in the Jat Sikh peasantry, the Congress is in flux, and the ruling AAP is perplexed.The current episode began when Amritpal arrived from Dubai on the political scene of Punjab and was installed as head of the organisation Waris Punjab De. He mimicked the demeanour, attire and oratory of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. He termed the farm laws, drug menace, migration of labour from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, exodus of Sikh youth from Punjab, alleged neglect of Punjabi language and denial of justice to the Bandi Sikhs (incarcerated Sikh prisoners in cases for years) as a “silent genocide”. He exhorted the youth to make sacrifices to reverse this trend and prescribed a code of conduct for his followers.The state responded to these developments with ineptness and hyperbole. On the day Amritpal’s followers stormed Ajnala police station, a charge sheet in a 2015 case against the then Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal, his deputy Sukhbir Singh Badal and a number of policemen for opening fire on those protesting against incidents of sacrilege of the Sikh holy book, was filed. Two protesters were killed, and around 20 policemen were injured. The message to the police was to hold back.Amritpal was only a trigger. In the post-terrorism phase, on several occasions, there have been other such triggers but they could not succeed in disturbing the peace as the horrific outcome of such a kind of politics is still fresh in people’s memory. For instance, apart from the incidents of sacrilege, there was the holding of a congregation of the Sikhs labelled as “Sarbat Khalsa”, and the announcement of hardliners as the custodians of Sikh religious institutions, namely Akal Takht and the SGPC. But the way in which events have unfolded recently indicates that these were planned, not spontaneous, politically motivated and ideologically driven. The underlying serious issue remains — political battles continue to be fought in the religious (panthic) domain rather than on development, agrarian or governance agendas.These triggers, including Waris Punjab De, very carefully manipulated the absence of a vigorous and grounded counter-narrative. The consensus in the country to ensure justice for the Sikhs killed in Delhi 1984 was extended to the rehabilitation of the terrorists. This was interpreted as a licence by a section of the militants to pursue “revenge” for the “hurt Sikh psyche” and to stoke the perennial demand for a separate Sikh state. This was further reinforced by eventually conceding (in 2014) the twice denied appeal of the Dal Khalsa (a radical Sikh organisation) for the conferment of martyrdom on hardline leaders by the Akal Takht. These organisations, having acquired legitimacy, raised their claim to control the SGPC and the Akal Takht and to “liberate” these institutions from the moderates and the liberals.All the political parties, in different ways, allowed the regrouping of the fundamentalists in order to appropriate the religious (panthic) constituency. On the other hand, the inept handling by the state of incidents of sacrilege, for instance, provided enough fodder to the fringe groups to articulate their divisive agenda in mainstream politics. The emergence of Amritpal should be located in this context.The structural reality continues to produce a dwarfed Punjabi identity and a stunted economy which finds it difficult to accommodate the emerging agrarian interests, and is unable to produce employable youth along with employment opportunities, even as politics continues to appropriate the existing faultlines.Let me hypothesise that in the contemporary phase, the decline in the political and economic hegemony of the dominant religio-caste identity, that is, the Sikh farmers, might provide more fodder for the resurgence of panthic politics and in turn, give space to radical fundamentalist assertions.The space for moderate politics is shrinking as politically separatist, socially divisive and electorally retrogressive tendencies compete with each other in the power game. There is also a dominant trend to discredit the moderate leadership — which should sound an alarm bell for liberal politics. Moderation is the key to subverting radical separatists and fundamentalist tendencies.A phenomenon like Amritpal accelerates the process of delegitimisation of moderate politics, its leaders, the peaceful methods and the state machinery. The need is to urgently reverse this disquieting trend. The main focus should be on the delegitimisation of violence, and on delivering restorative justice.The writer is Director, Institute for Development and Communication (IDC), Chandigarh

Amritpal arrest drama: The alarm bell in Punjab

Maharashtra Election News

Uddhav Thackeray, Sanjay Raut Get High Court Summons In Defamation Case
Ndtv | 1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 03:23 pm
Ndtv
1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 03:23 pm

The April 17 summons is on a defamation case filed by Rahul Ramesh Shewale.New Delhi: Former Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray, his son and former state minister Aditya Thackeray, and his close confidante Sanjay Raut were today summoned by the Delhi High Court in a defamation case. The April 17 summons is in connection with a petition filed by Rahul Ramesh Shewale, an MP from the rival Eknath Shinde camp of the Shiv Sena.Mr Raut and other leaders from the Thackeray camp had claimed that Maharashtra Chief Minister Mr Shinde and his fellow leaders "bought" the 'bow and arrow' symbol of the Shiv Sena for Rs 2,000 crore.Mr Shewale in his petition to the court demanded that it restrain the Thackeray camp leaders from making such remarks in the future. The court, however, said it wouldn't pass an order without hearing the other party as it's a political issue.Rahul Ramesh Shewale's lawyer during the hearing said that Sanjay Raut and others had made the allegation against an institution like the Election Commission of India. The Delhi High Court said the ECI is capable of responding to such claims.The Election Commission recently recognised the faction led by Mr Shinde as the Shiv Sena and allotted it the "bow and arrow" poll symbol.Eknath Shinde, who calls himself the true inheritor of the legacy of Shiv Sena founder and Uddhav Thackeray's father Bal Thackeray, has accused the Shiv Sena (UBT) chief of attempting to destroy the careers of leaders of his own party.Naming Raj Thackeray, Uddhav Thackeray's estranged cousin, and Narayan Rane, among others who left his side, Mr Shinde said he had never seen a leader who conspires with other political parties to destroy the political careers of his own people.''How will the party grow in such a situation? I am not 'gaddar' (traitor) but 'khuddar' (a self-respecting person). Uddhav Thackeray doesn't have the right to call us traitors," he said.Upset at Mr Thackeray for compromising with Shiv Sena's core ideals and ditching the BJP to form an alliance government with direct rivals Congress and Sharad Pawar-led NCP, Mr Shinde launched a coup that brought down the Maha Vikas Agadi government.PromotedListen to the latest songs, only on JioSaavn.comEknath Shinde, along with 39 Shiv Sena MLAs, joined forces with the BJP, which he said was his party's natural ally, and formed a new government with BJP's Devendra Fadnavis as his deputy.Shiv Sena last week sacked Sanjay Raut as the leader of its parliamentary party and appointed Lok Sabha MP Gajanan Kirtikar as his successor.

Uddhav Thackeray, Sanjay Raut Get High Court Summons In Defamation Case
In SC today, disqualification of another MP
The Indian Express | 1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

The Supreme Court has listed for hearing on Tuesday (March 28) a petition filed by Lakshadweep MP P P Mohammed Faizal challenging the Lok Sabha Secretariat’s “unlawful action” in failing to withdraw its disqualification notice, more than two months after the Kerala High Court stayed the MP’s conviction and 10-year sentence in an attempt-to-murder case.According to Faizal, a “false case” was registered against him on January 5, 2016 at Androth island police station. While the trial was ongoing, he was elected to Lok Sabha in 2019.On January 11, 2023, Faizal and three others were sentenced to 10 years’ rigorous imprisonment and fined Rs 1 lakh each by a sessions court in Kavaratti for attempting to murder Mohammed Salih, son-in-law of the late Union Minister P M Sayeed, during the 2009 Lok Sabha elections.On January 13, the Lok Sabha Secretariat notified Faizal’s disqualification under Section 8(3) of The Representation of the People Act, 1951, which provides for immediate disqualification of any “person convicted of any offence and sentenced to imprisonment for not less than two years”. This is the same section under which Rahul Gandhi was disqualified after a Surat magistrate’s court sentenced him to two years in jail for defamation.On January 18, with Faizal’s appeal against the sessions court order still pending before the Kerala High Court, the Election Commission announced a by-election to fill the Lakshadweep seat.On January 25, two days before the scheduled bypoll, the Kerala HC suspended the conviction and 10-year sentence given to Faizal. The EC subsequently announced that it had decided to “withhold” the byelection in Lakshadweep.On January 30, the Union Territory of Lakshadweep challenged the Kerala HC’s decision in the Supreme Court. On February 20, a Bench of Justices K M Joseph and B V Nagarathna refused to stay the HC order and, issuing notice on the UT’s plea, posted the matter for hearing on March 28.In a fresh petition, Faizal has challenged the Lok Sabha Secretariat’s non-withdrawal of the January 13 disqualification notification.The plea contends that the Secretariat’s inaction violates settled law under Section 8 of The Representation of People Act, 1951, under which the disqualification of an MP ceases to operate if their conviction is stayed by an appellate court under Section 389 of the Code of Criminal Procedure.In its ruling in Lok Prahari v Election Commission of India & Ors (2018), a three-judge Bench of the Supreme Court comprising then Chief Justice of India (CJI) Dipak Misra, Justice A M Khanwilkar (retd), and (now CJI) Justice D Y Chandrachud clarified that a disqualification triggered by a conviction will be reversed if the conviction is stayed by a court.“Once the conviction has been stayed during the pendency of an appeal, the disqualification which operates as a consequence of the conviction cannot take or remain in effect,” the ruling had said.

In SC today, disqualification of another MP
  • Plea in SC challenging automatic disqualification of convicted MPs, MLAs
  • The Indian Express

    A petition has been filed in the Supreme Court challenging the constitutional validity of a Section 8(3) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 which provides for automatic disqualification of a legislator from the Parliament or State assembly upon conviction in a criminal case, Bar and Bench reported.The plea, filed by PhD scholar and social activist Aabha Muralidharan, assumes significance as it comes at a time when Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has been disqualified from Lok Sabha after his conviction in a defamation case.Murulidharan said, “Section 8(3) is ultra vires of the Constitution since it curtails free speech of an elected Member of Parliament (MP) or Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) and restrains law makers from freely discharging their duties cast upon them by the voters of their respective constituency. ”According to the petition, Section 8(3) is in contradiction to sub-section (1) of the Section 8, Section 8A, 9, 9A, 10 and 10A and 11 of the 1951 Act. In the petition, Murulidharan said the factors such as nature, gravity, role, moral turpitude and the role of the accused, needed to be examined while considering disqualification under Chapter III of the 1951 Act. He pointed out that the intent of the legislature was to disqualify the elected members who on committing of a heinous offences are convicted by the courts and hence are liable to be disqualified.He also contended that the Lily Thomas judgment of the apex court which struck down Section 8(4), is being misused, reported Bar and Bench.

We need to review defamation, raise the bar for disqualificationPremium Story
The Indian Express | 2 days ago | 27-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
2 days ago | 27-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

With Rahul Gandhi’s disqualification from Parliament, many questions pertaining both to its legal and political ramifications have been doing the rounds. I intend here to both clarify many questions being raised and also raise new and significant ones which are consequential not only to the present case but more broadly, to the fate of our parliamentary democracy.On March 23, the chief judicial magistrate, Surat, sentenced Congress MP Rahul Gandhi to two years imprisonment and also imposed a fine of Rs 15,000 after convicting him for the offence of criminal defamation under Sections 499 and 500 of the Indian Penal Code.The court suspended his sentence for 30 days and granted him bail to enable him to file an appeal in a higher court against its verdict. Following this, the very next day, the Lok Sabha Secretariat issued Rahul Gandhi’s disqualification notification.Congress workers rushed to the streets in many parts of the country, instead of his lawyers rushing to the court in appeal. The solution only lies in the courts. The disqualification can only be reversed if a higher court grants a stay on the conviction or reverses the conviction. After the Lily Thomas judgment of the Supreme Court in 2013, disqualification comes into immediate effect.On October 1, 2013, Rasheed Masood became the first MP to lose his membership of Parliament upon his conviction in a criminal case. After that, over 20 other legislators, including Lalu Prasad, have been disqualified under the same provision.Did the Lok Sabha secretariat act in undue haste as alleged by some? A former Attorney General pointed out that the secretariat has no option. He clarified that as soon as the judge signs the conviction order, disqualification kicks in. He, however, did not mention a violation of this principle that has happened in a similar case from Lakshadweep.The Lakshadweep MP Mohammed Faisal was convicted in an attempt-to-murder case and was awarded a 10-year sentence. Two days later, the Lok Sabha Secretariat issued a notification disqualifying him. On January 18, 2023, the Election Commission declared a by-poll for the Lakshadweep seat. However, on January 25, the Kerala High Court stayed Faisal’s conviction. The SC thereafter stayed the by-poll — which the Election Commission had ordered with a similar speed. Even then, to this day, he has not been reinstated in Parliament. What the legal luminary has not mentioned is whether the removal of disqualification also comes into effect the moment the court signs the order suspending conviction. Does this not lend credence to the allegation of selective haste? Besides, doesn’t this wilful disobedience to the orders of the High Court, attract contempt of court? In Lok Prahari v Election Commission of India (2018), the Supreme Court held that once a conviction has been stayed during the pendency of an appeal, the disqualification which operates as a consequence of the conviction cannot take or remain in effect.Some puzzling questions remain that need to be answered. How was it that the petitioner who filed the suit against Rahul Gandhi, sought a stay from the High Court on Gandhi’s trial last year and was successful in delaying the proceedings for nearly twelve months? And what specific circumstances prompted him to seek a vacation of stay when no additional evidence was produced? Why was the magistrate changed last month? No reason has surfaced.Thirdly, did Rahul Gandhi’s remarks come under criminal defamation as opposed to civil defamation? This is what he had said at a rally in Kolar, Karnataka, on April 13, 2019: “One small question, how are the names of all these thieves ‘Modi, Modi, Modi’… Nirav Modi, Lalit Modi, Narendra Modi…”Did it call for a sentence of the maximum possible prison-term of two years? Incidentally, this is the minimum period of punishment which attracts disqualification under the Representation of People Act 1951.Fourthly, and perhaps most importantly of all: In a political atmosphere such as ours which is being increasingly charged with high levels of hate speech and vitriolic politics, how many of our politicians can truly survive the test of Section 153 (a) and Section 505, conviction under both of which can lead to disqualification under Section 8 of the Representation of People Act, 1951? Both the aforementioned sections deal with the offences of promoting enmity based on religious and linguistic grounds, among others. Therefore, why is there this selective efficiency in disqualifying members of the Opposition while turning a blind eye toward the members of the ruling dispensation? Surely, as the ruling party themselves are stating repeatedly, equality before the law is a cardinal principle and no one is above the law.I believe it is high time that we review and rethink the use and legitimacy of defamation cases in general. Many democratic countries around the world, including the UK, USA and Sri Lanka have decriminalised defamation where it is no longer a criminal offence. It may do us well to follow suit.Finally, in conclusion, it must be remembered that the best and the correct way to proceed from hereon will be through the due process of the courts. The judgment determining the legality of the disqualification cannot be deliberated in the streets. The political fallout of this issue is slowly unfolding and we wait to see where this may finally take us, especially in light of the 2024 general elections.But whatever may be the electoral results and legal verdicts, it is an indisputable fact that a healthy Opposition is imperative for a healthy democracy. We must not allow it to be killed.The writer is former Chief Election Commissioner of India and the author of An Undocumented Wonder: The Making of the Great Indian Election

We need to review defamation, raise the bar for disqualificationPremium Story
LS notification may be in conflict with Representation of People Act
The Indian Express | 4 days ago | 25-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
4 days ago | 25-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

There is a very interesting passage in a Supreme Court judgment delivered way back in 1965 in Kultar Singh vs Mukhtiar Singh, which comes to mind in the context of the conviction and subsequent disqualification of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi in the defamation case. The Court was called upon to decide whether the word “panth” used in a pamphlet amounted to an appeal in the name of religion. The Court said, “the document must be read as a whole and its purport and effect determined in a fair, objective and reasonable manner. In reading such documents it would be unrealistic to ignore the fact that when election meetings are held and appeals are made by candidates of opposing parties the atmosphere is usually surcharged with partisan feelings and emotions and the use of hyperboles or exaggerated language or the adoption of metaphors and the extravagance of expression in attacking one another are all a part of the game. So when the question about the effect of speeches delivered is argued in the cold atmosphere of a judicial chamber, some allowance must be made and impugned speeches must be construed in that light.”The above passage contains a very salutary principle that the language used by politicians in a politically charged atmosphere like election meetings etc. should be treated with a little understanding and a spirit of realism. Well, it is for the courts in India to pay heed to the sane advice coming from the apex court.Whether a particular surname used by Rahul Gandhi was intended to defame a whole community of people carrying that surname or whether it was said with no malice or whether it was an innocent off the cuff remark for the purpose of causing a little laugh is for the appellate court to delve into. But the order of the Chief Judicial Magistrate of Surat convicting and sentencing a top political leader of India like Rahul Gandhi to two years imprisonment is unprecedented and in a way a negation of the principle enunciated by the Supreme Court. It is to be noted that two years imprisonment is the maximum punishment provided for the offence of defamation provided in the IPC. Incidentally, this is the minimum period of punishment which attracts disqualification under the Representation of People Act 1951.The order of the CJM has thrown up some important constitutional and legal issues. Under Section 8(3) of the Representation of People Act 1951, a person convicted of an offence and sentenced to imprisonment for not less than two years shall be disqualified from the date of conviction and would remain disqualified for a further period of six years after his release. The effect of disqualification is that he will be barred from contesting any election and also from voting during the period of disqualification.However, there was an exception provided in Section 8(4) in favour of the sitting members of a legislature under which the order of disqualification would not take effect until after three months from the date of that order. If during these three months he filed an appeal, the disqualification order would be kept in abeyance till the appeal is disposed off. This three-month window was knocked down by the Supreme Court as unconstitutional in 2013 in Lily Thomas vs Union of India. The result is that as soon as a sitting member is sentenced to imprisonment for two years, his disqualification takes effect. Of course, when that member obtains a stay of the conviction and sentence from the appellate court, the disqualification is lifted. But a tricky legal question that arises is whether he ceases to be a member as soon as he is convicted and sentenced.To answer this question, we may have to travel outside the SC decision in Lily Thomas. Article 103 of the Constitution says that if a question arises as to whether a sitting member of the legislature has become subject to disqualification, the question shall be referred to the President whose decision shall be final. But before giving his decision, the President shall refer the question to the Election Commission and shall act in accordance with the opinion of the Commission. Disqualification can arise according to Article 102 in many ways. One of the grounds for disqualification under Article 102 is conviction for any offence and sentence to imprisonment for two years or more. So, the question of disqualification of Rahul Gandhi ought to have been decided by the President as per Article 103 before any further action is taken.In other words, the disqualification can take effect under Article 103 only after the President has taken a decision. It is interesting to note that another judgment of the Supreme Court says that presidential decision is essential before disqualification takes effect and the seat in the house is declared vacant under Article 101(3). The Court says: “However, vacancies contemplated in Article 101(3)(a) will arise only when the disqualification is decided upon and declared by the President under Article 103(1)” (Consumer Education and Research Society vs Union of India, 2009). This judgment was given by a three-judge bench whereas Lily Thomas was decided by a two-judge bench. So, under Article 103, there cannot be an automatic disqualification of a sitting member of the legislature. Section 8(3) of the RP Act 1951 does not provide for automatic disqualification. It uses the words “shall be disqualified” and not “shall stand disqualified”. However, the Lok Sabha Secretariat has issued a notification now stating that Rahul Gandhi stands disqualified which is apparently in conflict with Section 8(3) of the RP Act.The immediate effect of disqualification will be a declaration by the Secretariat of the Lok Sabha that the seat has become vacant. This was perhaps done in the case of the sitting MP from Lakshadweep. But as per the decision of the Supreme Court in the Consumer Education case (supra) this declaration can be made only after the President has announced her decision on the question of disqualification.Defamation as a criminal offence is being done away with in many democratic countries: It is no longer an offence in the UK, USA or Sri Lanka. There is a growing volume of opinion in democratic societies in favour of decriminalising defamation. The Indian society being too much involved in acrimonious, adversarial politics is unable to speak aloud for abolishing this law. It is an irony that the descendents of the mother of democracy are too preoccupied to notice the impact of the criminalisation of defamation.The writer is former Secretary General, Lok Sabha

LS notification may be in conflict with Representation of People Act

Maharashtra Education News

IIT Dharwad director: 'Some marginalised students are isolated in dining hall in first few weeks'Premium Story
The Indian Express | 12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

With the inauguration of its permanent campus by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on March 12, IIT Dharwad, which started in 2016, is in the process of shifting out of its temporary campus in a phased manner. The institute’s director Venkappayya R Desai speaks to The Indian Express about his priorities with the new institute, changing academic landscapes, interdisciplinary courses, and the suicide cases at the IITs. Excerpts:Q. What are your priorities as IIT Dharwad director?Our top priority is to clear the major bottlenecks in the permanent campus. One is the main electrical station, along with the kitchen equipment for the student dining hall.We also need to get the sewage treatment plant ready, so that we are in a position to move. However, we will move in a gradual manner because we have a lot of sophisticated equipment which cannot straightway be moved from here (current campus) to the permanent campus.Secondly, we want to ensure that students and faculty are properly housed. Academically, we have seven Bachelor in Technology (BTech) programmes, one BS (Bachelor of Science) and MS (Master of Science) dual degree programme, alongside Masters in Technology (MTech) and Phd programmes.We want to introduce a BTech programme in the humanities and social sciences department as it does not have one on its own. The other nine departments have the programme in some way or the other. We are also deliberating on introducing economics probability, financial engineering, among other subjects, to make the BS and MS integrated programmes more inclusive.Additionally, we are also looking to link modern science and technology with traditional technology. We want to use historical materials from Sanskrit literature and classical Indian languages and apply it to modern science, for all branches. Even the new education policy emphasises on promoting Indian languages.Q. IIT Dharwad is among the youngest IITs in the country. Six months have passed since your appointment as the institute’s director. What milestones, in your opinion, has it achieved? What needs to be worked on?Recently, IIT Dharwad got formally announced as the Quality Improvement Programme (QIP) centre, giving scope for government, government-aided and private engineering college faculty members to enroll and improve their quality through enhancement of qualifications.The engineering college faculty members with bachelor qualifications can enroll and get a masters degree through QIP. In addition to the regular salary these faculty members get from their host institutions, they will also get subsistence allowance as these are time-bound programmes.Meanwhile, we have only one MTech programme in mechanical engineering. We need to extend this to two more departments — electrical engineering and computer science. Our priority is to serve our full capacity of 25 masters seats under QIP. Since it is a new IIT, the number of professors are less in number. We have 70 professors (including assistant professors) and around 15 visiting professors. However, the sanctioned faculty strength is 100 with a student teacher ratio of 1:10.Q. IIT Dharwad was mentored by IIT Bombay for its three batches so far. Each IIT has a unique academic culture and strengths. What do you think you have imbibed from them?IIT Bombay is the second-oldest IIT and is located in the financial capital of the country. As a result, every faculty member’s time is very precious. Things are simple and straightforward in IIT Bombay. The institute also helps us in senate meetings because we have very few full-time professors. During senate meetings, we need help from external senate members from IIT Bombay and industry experts too. We also take help from IIT Bombay professors from relevant departments in shortlisting our faculty applicants.Q. There have been many suicides in IITs in the last six months. Do you think IITs need to revisit their support systems and improve them to help prevent such deaths?Caste discrimination is a very general problem. We should make students aware of other children who are more economically and socially challenged. When we make them aware of the existing reality, the students will realise that they can still put up a smiling face and be positive compared to those children who are both economically and socially weaker. Moreover, faculty should also play a major role in enhancing student welfare activities.When Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated our new permanent campus, he suggested that we use Japanese technology to increase vegetation density around the campus. The vegetation will be planted in lines of vruksha nakshatra that will imbibe Indian traditional values and serve as a stress buster to students. If you look at the life of the student two weeks prior to the suicide, you will find them isolating from the near and dear ones. As a result, they come across negative incidents, news reports and end up in suicidal thoughts. It is equally important to have good food. Being more social will also help students. Unfortunately, some marginalised students are isolated in the initial few weeks in the dining hall sometimes – this happens across all IITs.Sometimes, ragging also is a major problem. Fortunately, at IIT Dharwad we have not come across such cases.Q. A research paper published by IIT Bombay recently found that except for Computer Science & Engineering (CSE), and to some extent for Electrical Engineering (EE), IIT Bombay students have predominantly opted for non-engineering jobs. What do you think is the reason?Things are no longer in silos. I am a civil engineer by qualification, but I have my own interest in linguistic subjects. These kind of things happen with everyone and there is nothing wrong with that. We can’t force students to take up jobs as per their qualifications. I believe in the principle of “get what you like and like what you get”. Life is all about making feasible compromises. In addition to their programmes, students should explore various opportunities in areas of one’s interest. Sometimes, their interests are partially misguided by parents also.Q. There have been consultations within the government to bring institutes of national importance within the ambit of the proposed Higher Education Commission of India. Would it be a good idea to bring IITs and IIMs within the HECI’s ambit?It is a good idea. IITs, NITs are excluded from the purview of AICTE. A newly established institution like IIT Dharwad will be deprived of the positive experience of some of the selected institutes which have a history of over 50 or 75 years. There should be good exchange of ideas and best practices. Hence, it is a welcome move to bring institutes of national importance under a regulatory purview.Q. Interdisciplinarity is among the main focus of the new education policy. How is IIT Dharwad approaching this?We have a 5 year BS-MS interdisciplinary programme. Students can either choose physics/ chemistry or mathematics/biology specialisations. There are enough electives offered by other departments like humanities and social sciences, philosophy, sociology and others.Q. Are you worried about ChatGPT and its impact on academics?I am hearing that ChatGPT will soon make Google extinct, but I think any new innovation cannot be exclusive. We need not get worried excessively because every technology evolves with time. It cannot be 100 per cent accurate and efficient. Any new thing is high on technology but low in experience. Any old thing may be low on technology. However, it is definitely tested by time.Q. Education faced a huge disruption during the pandemic. It has been over a year since students have joined physical classes. Have you noticed any changes in the learning patterns?Students are still in the pandemic or lockdown mode. Our faculty members noticed that some students are not at all seen in the campus. They have registered and are nowhere to be seen. It is high time that we as faculty bring the students back to the pre-pandemic levels. It is fine if they are taking up internships, but they should take an official permission so that it is formalised. The learning ability has taken a beating. Lab courses and experiments go on through video demonstrations. The hands-on experience in lab experiments has actually stopped after the pandemic. It is an individual and collective responsibility of every faculty member to restore the learning experience.

IIT Dharwad director: 'Some marginalised students are isolated in dining hall in first few weeks'Premium Story
Waiting for IOE: They got all-clear 3 yrs ago, nothing has been clear sincePremium Story
The Indian Express | 1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

IT’S NOT just the Jio Institute, the greenfield venture, which is waiting to get Institution Of Eminence (IOE) status. In the same queue are three other private institutions — Kalinga Institute of Industrial Technology (KIIT), Vellore Institute of Technology (VIT), and Amrita Vishwa Vidyapeetham — which were selected for the flagship initiative in higher education.According to records and interviews with officials, the readiness reports of the three institutions were approved by the Education ministry’s Empowered Expert Committee (EEC) on IOEs by July 2020. Nearly three years on, all three are waiting for the final MoUs to be signed.Former EEC chairman N Gopalaswami said the final MoUs for the three institutions, along with Jio Institute, were vetted and approved by the committee under him before its term expired in February 2021. The KIIT has since been waiting to get the IOE status for 1,121 days and counting; and, VIT and Amrita Vishwa Vidyapeetham for 976 days each.Records show that another private institution on the list, Jamia Hamdard, may not get the IOE tag at all due to a legal dispute, while Bharti Foundation — the second greenfield selection apart from Jio — pulled out of the process due to lack of “appropriate land”.KIIT: Records show that a 13-member expert committee set up by the EEC visited KIIT in Odisha’s Bhubaneswar on February 17-18, 2020. By July 2020, the EEC approved the readiness report submitted by the 13-member panel led by AICTE vice chairman M P Poonia.According to KIIT’s IOE coordinator Professor C K Panigrahi, the institute submitted a draft MoU to the ministry about two years ago and hasn’t received an update since.VIT: A 12-member committee led by Prof G D Yadav of Institute of Chemical Technology conducted a virtual inspection of VIT on July 13-14, 2020 and the EEC approved the readiness report.“The final version of the draft MoU was submitted to the government in November 2021. Following that we contacted the ministry several times. However, there has been no communication from the government. (We were) told verbally that the MoU will be signed after the reconstitution of the EEC,” a VIT official said.Amrita Vishwa Vidyapeetham: A virtual review was conducted by a 16-member committee led by Mahesh Verma, V-C of Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University in Delhi, on July 17-18, 2020 and the EEC approved the readiness report.According to Vidyapeetham’s IOE coordinator Prof Raghu Raman, the deemed university has written multiple times to the government since July 2020, asking for updates and “next steps”.Jamia Hamdard: In September 2020, the EEC recommended the removal of Jamia Hamdard from the list. The minutes of an EEC meeting on September 16, 2020, state: “The EEC selected the composite entity Jamia Hamdard consisting of medical college and university, but… the composite unit is no longer a valid entity after the family settlement approved by the SC, as the management has gone to two different bodies…”Jamia Hamdard’s V-C Prof Mohammad Afshar Alam said, “After taking charge in 2019, I took permission from our sponsoring trust and wrote to the UGC and Education ministry, requesting a visit of the expert committee to our campus. I haven’t heard from the government since.”Bharti Foundation: The other greenfield selection, apart from Jio, Bharti Foundation, withdrew its bid in October 2020 after it failed to acquire “an appropriate land parcel” in Mohali, Punjab. However, the Foundation said that it has now signed an MoU with Plaksha University in Mohali.Records show that apart from these private institutions, the fate of two — Jadavpur University in West Bengal and Anna University in Tamil Nadu — of the eight public universities on the IOE list is similar.In September 2020, the EEC recommended the removal of Jadavpur University, along with Jamia Hamdard, from the list of IOEs. Jadavpur’s bid was rejected since the West Bengal government did not commit to paying part of the plan requirements not met by the Centre.The university then submitted a revised plan with a reduced budget of Rs 606 crore, of which it proposed to raise 25 per cent. In June 2020, the Education ministry wrote to the UGC seeking the EEC’s advice on the revised budget.In an email dated September 15, 2020, the EEC stated: “The EEC is of view that… the substantial budget cut is not conducive to realising the target set for IOEs. The EEC therefore recommends to the UGC to release Jadavpur University from the list…”On July 19, 2021, the UGC forwarded this recommendation to the ministry and there has been no communication since.“We earnestly hope that the Central government will recognise the academic excellence of Jadavpur as acknowledged by the empowered committee,” Jadavpur University V-C Dr Suranjan Das said.As for Anna University, records show the Chennai-based institution’s original IOE plan was affected by lack of funding from the Tamil Nadu government, leading the university to submit a revised proposal relying on its own resources. The revised plan was approved by the EEC on the condition that the state will provide an assurance to cover any shortfall. The university, however, is yet to receive an official word from the government.“Ever since I assumed charge (in August 2021), we haven’t received any communication from the government… If we get that (IOE status), it will be a good thing and we won’t have to chase every small accreditation to prove our excellence,” Anna University V-C Dr R Velraj said.

Waiting for IOE: They got all-clear 3 yrs ago, nothing has been clear sincePremium Story
For private campuses, Institution of Eminence tag gift-wrapped in red tapePremium Story
The Indian Express | 1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

WHILE four private institutions remain stranded on a thorny path to get the coveted status of Institution of Eminence (IOE) despite getting the all-clear from the Government’s empowered committee, it’s not exactly been a bed of roses for the other four that made the cut.On paper, these private IOEs, who don’t get any funds under the scheme unlike Government institutions, are assured of autonomy and significant regulatory relief. But in practice, they continue to be weighed down by red tape and regulatory interference, an investigation by The Indian Express, based on official records, visits to campuses across the country and interviews with several university personnel and Government officials, has revealed.Only four of the 10 private higher education institutions selected for the IOE status have received official recognition to date: Manipal Academy of Higher Education (MAHE), BITS Pilani, OP Jindal Global University and Shiv Nadar University. Of these, Shiv Nadar is the youngest IOE, having received the status just last year.The Indian Express found that the three oldest private IOEs on many occasions had asserted their autonomy under the scheme but eventually had to toe the regulatory line.The Centre’s track record on assuring autonomy for the private IOEs is significant given that it is planning to roll out similar freedoms to foreign universities on academic, administrative and financial matters to attract them to India.Multiplicity of regulatorsFor private IOEs, the road to achieving world-class status is riddled with multiple higher education regulators.Although IOE regulations promise autonomy from the University Grants Commission, there are over 15 bodies regulating the higher education space in the country. Private IOEs say this works against multidisciplinary institutions, as they continue to face red tape, delays, and compliance demands from various regulators such as the National Medical Commission, Bar Council of India, Architecture Council of India, Nursing Council, and more.For instance, the autonomy to fix fees and decide admission procedures has been meaningless for MAHE, which also runs a medical college. The National Medical Commission insists that all medical students are admitted only through NEET, which is difficult for international students to crack. MAHE, The Indian Express learned, requested an exemption from NEET for international students, but their request was turned down.Last February, MAHE requested exclusion from NMC’s directive to charge fees equivalent to government medical colleges for half of their total approved capacity. In its letter, the institute reiterated its eminent status. However, NMC rejected the request.Private IOEs have raised concerns about the multiplicity of regulators to the government. OP Jindal Global University made a presentation in 2020 to the then Education Minister Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank on the imperatives of autonomy. While the university can start new programmes and schools with just an intimation to UGC, it has to comply with the Bar Council of India’s regulations for law programmes.The presentation highlighted the need for IoEs to be autonomous and exempted from regulation by all professional bodies or councils to achieve world-class standards in all higher education disciplines.MAHE, too, confirmed that it flagged the issue to review committees sent by the Education Ministry, stating that “freedom from multiple regulators” is necessary to achieve the goals of the IOE scheme.Although BITS Pilani hasn’t written to the government on this issue yet, the university, in its response to this newspaper, said, “Bringing all regulatory bodies under one umbrella would bring uniformity and consistency in the process, making it convenient for good institutes to perform better.”UGC interferenceDespite their special status, private IOEs have found it challenging to deal with the University Grants Commission (UGC).“The private institutes are not entitled to funds like the government IOEs are. So we applied (for the IOE status) for the promise of autonomy. But we keep getting letters from UGC regarding compliances and we are expected to fall in line,” said an officer at one of the four private IOEs.Even on an issue as trivial as the name of a department, red tape kicks in. BITS Pilani’s research cell is currently called sponsored research and consultancy division, but UGC wants BITS to rename it “research development cell.” MAHE, which has already established a Directorate of Research, had received a similar letter from UGC.The UGC, sources said, had also objected to the BITS dual degree programme which allows candidates pursuing a Master’s to also pursue a bachelor’s degree. “UGC felt this was not right,” said an officer of the institute.In 2021 and last year, the UGC got all three private IOEs to refund the fee of all students who either cancelled or withdrew their admission within October 31, leading to several last-minute vacancies that could not be filled afterwards.The UGC order led to about 300 vacancies at BITS Pilani last year. “Refunding fees of students who have already spent a few months studying with an institute means those seats will remain vacant for the next four years. This is a huge revenue loss for us. We are as good as any IIT in the country. They don’t face any such interference from regulators” said an officer of BITS Pilani.In an emailed statement, BITS Pilani said, “All cases of fee refund are being dealt with in accordance with the UGC directives and as per the declared policy of the institute. It would be much easier for us to perform better if admissions related to full autonomy (including fees refund in Admissions processes) is offered to the institutes such as BITS Pilani.”OP Jindal University tried to assert its autonomy under the IOE rules that permit institutions to determine fee and admission policy, they ultimately had to refund the fee.JGU wrote in an emailed statement that “… (despite) following the UGC – (Institutions of Eminence Deemed to be Universities) Regulations 2017 (UGC – IoE Regulations 2017) and the subsequent amendments of 2021 diligently, we are still constrained to follow the UGC policies related to Fees and Refunds. Considering the aforementioned facts, we had written to the Ministry of Education requesting their guidance to fulfil the objective of creating an enabling regulatory architecture for the Institutions of Eminence Deemed to be Universities and ranked among the world’s top institutions.”MAHE, too confirmed vacancies on account of the UGC institutions. “With interest of students, MAHE did not fill those vacant seats for the year 2022 as well 2021,” the university said in its response to The Indian Express.Red tape on foreign facultyEven as the government expects the IOEs to hire more foreign teachers to boost their performance in international rankings, for the private IOEs, the litany of permissions required to finalise an appointment is a hindrance.For one, the delay in processing work visa applications for foreign teachers often acts as a disincentive. Moreover, visas are usually issued for a year and, only in rare cases for two years. “If we want to attract foreign faculty then we should be able to offer long-term employment. The obligation of renewing work visas annually is a disincentive,” said an officer at a private IOE.The delay in getting Aadhaar number for foreign nationals working in India is another irritant as it delays their PF withdrawal. “As institutions, we try to assist them but there’s nothing we can do to expedite this process or cut red tape,” said another officer of a private IOE.Both MAHE and Jindal have requested the easing of norms for foreign faculty. A spokesperson for OP Jindal University confirmed that the university has suggested to the Government a ‘Specially Expedited Institutions of Eminence Multiple Entry Employment Visa Scheme for International Faculty’. Under this, IOEs should get “preferential treatment in all Government-related approvals and visa processes to enable them to implement their faculty hiring plans in good time,” the spokesperson said. MAHE has called for easing of norms with respect to salary and benefits to international faculty.

For private campuses, Institution of Eminence tag gift-wrapped in red tapePremium Story
Giving fallen soldiers’ families their due
The Indian Express | 1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
1 day ago | 28-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

Our brave soldiers serve the nation with commitment and conviction, often leaving their families behind. They sacrifice their lives and it is only because of their “shahadat” (martyrdom) that we are safe in our homes today. It is not enough for the government to just give compensation packages and say that it has fulfilled its duty — rules regarding compensation should also be tweaked with time and on a case-to-case basis.As of July 2022, a total of 307 Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs) and Assam Rifles (AR) personnel sacrificed their lives in the line of duty in the five preceding years. As many as 156 army men and three IAF personnel were killed in terrorist attacks as well as counter-terror operations in the last five years. In the same period, 819 armed forces personnel committed suicide, with the Army reporting the maximum number of such cases at 642. These figures are an indication of the conditions — including staying away for long from their families — under which our soldiers perform their duties, which often results in mental health issues as well.The recent protests by the widows of Pulwama martyrs in Rajasthan are a grim reminder of the challenges faced by the families of soldiers who have made the supreme sacrifice. It is heart-wrenching to see them struggle to claim the benefits due to them, and running from pillar to post. The government should go out of its way, if needed, and ensure that the rules meant for the welfare of those who survive soldiers should not become a tool for denying them their legitimate demands. The protesting veeranganas (wives of jawans) were detained by the police and treated unjustly. They wanted certain demands to be fulfilled, which would require some amendments in the rules governing the welfare measures meant for families of martyrs.Consider some of the global practices when it comes to the welfare of the families of martyrs: The US provides financial assistance through the police department or local government to help families of fallen officers cover immediate expenses such as funeral costs, housing, and other expenses. The National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund provides financial assistance, scholarships, and other support to the families of officers who have died in the line of duty. Similarly, the Fraternal Order of Police provides financial assistance and other support to its members and their families. The UK has schemes like the Armed Forces Compensation Scheme to provide compensation to military personnel who have been injured, are ill or have died as a result of service and War Disablement Pension schemes to provide tax-free financial assistance to military personnel who were disabled in the discharge of their duty.As a country which takes pride in its soldiers, we should listen to the legitimate demands of the veeranganas. The issues they have raised relate to the sentiments of the common man and are above any political considerations.Three major concerns must be addressed. The first is the demand for flexibility in the rules for providing jobs on compassionate grounds. This is a major bone of contention between the government and the veeranganas. The latter have demanded that not just the children of martyrs, but other members of the family, including brothers-in-law, should be given government jobs on compassionate grounds. The government’s argument that if the rules are altered for one case, then the future of all the children of the martyrs will be compromised, is technically sound. If the rules are amended to include distant family relations then they can also be used as a tool to blackmail the widows and pressure them for jobs, shunning them in case they fail to do so.It is argued that if the children are not academically brilliant or are unable to complete their education due to health issues, accidents etc., then having a job reserved for the family will secure the future of the child. The government should be liberal and amend the rules to remove any kind of restriction on the number of children of a martyr who are entitled to jobs on compassionate grounds. One child getting the job and his or her sibling being denied the same is unfair because the loss is equal for both.Second, there is a demand for the construction of multiple statues of martyrs. If other public figures have the privilege of having statues erected in different parts of the country, why can’t we have the same provision for martyrs? The government should amend the rules and a provision can be added that in case of more than one statue, it can involve local bodies like panchayat and municipal administration, local MLAs, NGOs and bhamashah (philanthropists) who can make matching contributions to the extent of 50 per cent for the construction of memorials or statues of martyrs. The government can also utilise corporate social responsibility funds for the same. These statues are not just brick-and-mortar structures, they are symbols of the sacrifice of our martyrs which will inspire the generations to come.Third, a department of welfare for the families of the martyrs, both at the central and state level, should be set up in order to facilitate social security benefits for them. The department should be allocated funds to provide housing grants to the families of the martyrs; marriage grants for their children; financial aid in the form of education, medical care and housing; in addition to offering counselling services to assist them in coping with their loss. By making these additional resources available to the families of those who have been martyred, we can demonstrate our support for them.The department should also work on providing benefits/concessions on utilities, free transportation via air, rail and bus, and benefits for the purchase of prescription medication and other healthcare services to the families of the martyrs. The issue of the welfare of the families of the martyrs is one that goes beyond politics and the solution has to be rooted in a rights-based approach.It is important to bear in mind that these families take pride in their sacrifice. Given the current state of affairs and the apathy of the administration, there is an urgent need for the sensitisation of not only the bureaucracy but also political leaders while dealing with these issues.The writer is Congress MLA from Osian (Rajasthan)

Giving fallen soldiers’ families their due
Technology at your service
The Indian Express | 2 days ago | 27-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
2 days ago | 27-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

Until a few years ago, access to technology was considered a privilege restricted to the urban elite. The internet was unaffordable for people in rural areas. Only 25 crore Indians used the internet till 2014, which increased to 84 crore in 2022. Earlier, the cost of 1GB of data was about Rs 300. Now it has come down to about Rs 13.5 per GB, making it affordable. This is a snapshot of how Prime Minister Narendra Modi has driven inclusion through technology in New India.The pandemic was a testing time and Digital India minimised the impact of disruption. The affordability of the internet led to accessibility of services. When education in schools went online during the pandemic, Suhani Sahu, a student in Balrampur, UP, attended her course curriculum online via the Diksha platform. Shubham Kumar living in a village in East Champaran, Bihar, ensured uninterrupted treatment of his ailing mother, saving on travel time and cost by taking teleconsultation from a doctor on the eSanjeevani app. Over 10 crore such teleconsultations have happened so far.Hari Ram, a taxi driver in Dehradun, had a ration card from Hardoi in UP. The One Nation One Ration Card framework helped him access food supplies even in Dehradun. The Gramin Dak Sevaks of India Post provided financial service assistance at doorsteps using the Aadhaar Enabled Payment System (AePS) to people in the remotest corner of the country.PM Modi’s thrust on turning technology into a tool against poverty and improving the ease of living has benefitted the Indian masses.Digital technologies have come of age. They have become an integral part of our lives. AI, 5G, and quantum technology have matured to a level where they are becoming mainstream.This makes 2023 an inflection point. In these exciting times, India has assumed the leadership of the G20. Atmanirbhar Bharat is ready to showcase its technology platforms to the world with the philosophy of using them for the greater good.PM Modi has said “today, people do not see the government as an obstacle; rather, people see our government as a catalyst for new opportunities. Certainly, technology has played a big role in this.” These words echo across the nation and this vision-led transformation is visible in every nook and corner of India. India went on a complete digital transformation. The country is focused on creating public digital platforms which are open source, available to everybody, of large scale and born-digital.That’s how CoWIN was developed. The entire process of onboarding vaccine manufacturers, clinics, hospitals, registration of citizens, and scheduling, till the final certificate of vaccination, is digital. This enabled India to administer 150 crore doses within the first 12 months of the vaccination drive. India has now delivered close to 220 crore doses. Today, CoWIN has become a ground-breaking example of democratising digital technology.It is no coincidence that India has shown a unique way to use technology to benefit society. Today, street vendors, vegetable carts, small shops, and big showrooms across India have QR (quick response) code stickers for digital payments. Payment QR codes randomly placed for scanning in the midst of piping hot tea and snacks at a roadside small tea stall have become an everyday sight.Using public funds, we created a platform where banks have joined, as have insurance companies, e-commerce companies, MSMEs, startups and most importantly 120 crore people have joined. In this public private partnership, no single entity has complete control over the platform, making it democratic.Launched in 2016, UPI now does $1.5 trillion worth of transactions every year. The average settlement time for each transaction is two seconds. This has led to an increase in transparency and convenience. This is why India’s UPI has become a global standard for digital payments.Technology’s role in enhancing the ease of living is becoming increasingly visible by the day. The FASTag technology has ensured that our vehicles continue blazing through the highways without stopping. This use of technology has reduced congestion and the waiting time at the toll plazas, providing smooth movement within our borders, while boosting digital payments.Technology has taken a giant leap with the roll out of 5G. While launching 5G services in India, PM Modi shared his vision of using 5G in healthcare, education, agriculture, construction sectors etc., to make living easy for people. India is also relentlessly working towards becoming a 4G and 5G technology exporter in the coming three years.We have proved the prowess of our engineers and scientists with these scalable digital public goods. Now we’re developing the OCEN (open credit enablement network), which will raise credit penetration by transitioning the system to cash flow-based lending. OCEN will lead to competition among various banks for giving loans to a person, lowering the cost of credit. According to Morgan Stanley estimates, this will propel the credit to GDP ratio from the current 57 per cent to 100 per cent by 2031.This game-changing digital and tech-led revolution powered by PM Modi’s vision empowers and transforms the lives of ordinary citizens. It gives power to the poorest and marginalised sections and offers the ability to create something in the hands of the creative minds of the young and talented generation. This model is now being replicated across different sectors. Be it the health sector, education, logistics, agriculture or defence, similar platforms are being created on which a vibrant ecosystem of startups or any enterprise can build solutions.India has entered its Amrit Kaal in times of global uncertainty. Moving forward, under the farsighted, decisive and action-oriented leadership of PM Modi, India’s G20 Presidency will be pathbreaking, serving and sharing our scalable public digital infrastructure with the world.The writer is Minister for Railways, Communications, Electronics & Information Technology

Technology at your service

Maharashtra Covid News

Why 2020-2030 has the makings of a lost decade for the global economyPremium Story
The Indian Express | 12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
12 hours ago | 29-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

ExplainSpeaking-Economy is a weekly newsletter by Udit Misra, delivered in your inbox every Monday morning. Click here to subscribeDear Readers,From the perspective of the global economy, the year 2023 started off on a mildly optimistic note. As top policymakers and CEOs met in Davos, there was a sense that the global economy might be able to dodge the chances of a recession in 2023. The IMF’s World Economic Outlook in January provided a salutary stamp to that notion. However, the recent collapses in the banking sector had yet again ratcheted up the apprehensions of a recession.In this context, a new research publication by the World Bank, titled “Falling Long-Term Growth Prospects”, argues that the current decade (2020-2030) “could be a lost decade in the making—not just for some countries or regions as has occurred in the past—but for the whole world.”Simply put, the World Bank has found that the overlapping crises of the past few years — Covid-19 pandemic, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the resultant spike in inflation as well as monetary tightening — have ended a span of nearly three decades of sustained economic growth.“Starting in 1990, productivity surged, incomes rose, and inflation fell. Within a generation, about one out of four developing economies leaped to high-income status. Today nearly all the economic forces that drove economic progress are in retreat,” writes David Malpass, President, The World Bank Group.He further warns that without a big and broad policy push to rejuvenate it, the global average potential GDP growth rate—the theoretical growth rate an economy can sustain over the medium term based on investment and productivity rates without risking excess inflation— is expected to fall to a three-decade low of 2.2% a year between now and 2030, down from 2.6% in 2011-21 and 3.5% during the first decade of this century.The important thing to understand here is that while the report talks about global growth slowdown, the main hurt will be felt by emerging economies such as India. “A persistent and broad-based decline in long-term growth prospects imperils the ability of emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs) to combat poverty, tackle climate change, and meet other key development objectives,” states the World Bank.The World Bank report recounts a 2015 research request by Kaushik Basu, the World Bank Group’s Chief Economist at the time, to assess the long-term growth prospects of emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs).While the World Bank came up with a preliminary study (titled “Slowdown in Emerging Markets: Rough Patch or Prolonged Weakness?”), the latest publication provides “a definitive answer” to the question. And the answer is: These economies are in the midst of a prolonged period of weakness.Look at the data for actual GDP growth and per capita GDP growth in the two tables (A.1 and A.3) below. It shows a broad-based decline over the past two decades whether a country belongs to EMDEs or the middle-income countries (MICs) or the low-income countries (LICs).The World Bank has looked at a whole set of fundamental drivers that determine economic growth and found that all of them have been losing power. The six charts below capture the weakness.These fundamental drivers include things like capital accumulation (through investment growth), labour force growth, and the growth of total factor productivity (which is the part of economic growth that results from more efficient use of inputs and which is often the result of technological changes) etc.Not surprisingly then, the potential growth rate is expected to decelerate further (see Table A.3).What about India?Even though India has also lost its growth momentum over the past two decades, it is and will likely remain a global leader when it comes to growth rates. India falls under the South Asia Region (SAR), which is expected to be fastest growing among emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs) for the remainder of this decade. To be sure, India accounts for three-fourths of the SAR output. SAR includes countries like Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh etc.“Economic activity in the South Asia region (SAR) rebounded strongly from the recession caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, expanding by 7.9 percent in 2021 after a drop of 4.5 percent in 2020. Output in the region is on track to grow by about 6.0 percent a year between 2022 and 2030, faster than the 2010s annual average of 5.5 percent and only moderately slower than growth in the 2000s,” states World Bank.According to the World Bank, if all countries make a strong push, potential global GDP growth can be boosted by 0.7 percentage point—to an annual average rate of 2.9%; this would be faster than the preceding decade (when the global economy grew by 2.6%) but still slower than the first decade of 2000s (when the growth clocked 3.5% per annum).There are six priority interventions suggested by the report: incentivise investments into the economy, boost labour force participation rates (especially for women), cut trade costs, capitalise on service exports, improve global cooperation, ensure that fiscal policies and monetary policies don’t run against each other (for instance, government expenditures raising deficits at a time when central banks are trying to contain inflation).Until next week,Udit

Why 2020-2030 has the makings of a lost decade for the global economyPremium Story
In UK hearing, Boris Johnson fights for his political career, says ‘I did not lie’ about lockdown parties
The Indian Express | 6 days ago | 23-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
6 days ago | 23-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

A combative Boris Johnson fought for his political career on Wednesday, as the former British prime minister said “hand on heart” he did not lie to parliament over Covid-19 lockdown parties at a hearing with lawmakers.Parliament’s Committee of Privileges is investigating whether Johnson, who was ousted from Downing Street in September, intentionally or recklessly misled the House of Commons in a series of statements, where he said no rules were broken in the gatherings. If the committee finds Johnson deliberately misled lawmakers, then he could be suspended. Any suspension longer than 10 days could prompt an election to remove him from his parliamentary seat and end his political career.The former leader, who considered an audacious bid for a second stint as prime minister last year, launched a lengthy defence at the hearing, saying statements he made to parliament had been done in good faith.“I’m here to say to you, hand on heart, that I did not lie to the House,” said Johnson, who has accused the committee of bias. “When those statements were made, they were made in good faith and on the basis of what I honestly knew and believed at the time.”The so-called partygate scandal contributed to the ultimate downfall of Johnson, after months of reports that he, alongside other senior government figures, had been present at alcohol-fuelled gatherings in Downing Street during 2020 and 2021 when much of the rest of Britain was forced to stay at home.Johnson was fined by police for attending an event to celebrate his birthday in Downing Street in June 2020, making him the first prime minister found to have broken the law while in office. Some 126 fines were issued over the gatherings.The outcry and repeated accusations of lying over the parties and allegations that a Conservative lawmaker had drunkenly groped two men eventually prompted the resignations of most of his top team of government ministers, including the current prime minister, Rishi Sunak, who was among those fined.Thanking staffHarriet Harman, the chair of the committee, said it would consider the evidence Johnson had given and may take further evidence in due course. It is expected to report its findings later in the year. She stressed the importance of ministers telling the truth, saying this went to the heart of the way Britain’s parliamentary system functions.At the start of the hearing, Johnson was made to swear an oath to tell the truth on a bible before giving his evidence. He said the inquiry had not found any evidence he deliberately misled parliament and said he was banned by the committee from publishing a “large number of extracts” he relied on in his defence.Asked about events in May, November, and December 2020 when he was pictured talking to colleagues who were drinking, Johnson said some meetings were “essential” to the functioning of government. He said his presence at events was necessary to thank staff for their hard work.“People who say that we were partying in lockdown simply do not know what they are talking about,” he said, crossly. He said he was “shocked” to be fined and “amazed” by the number of other fines issued.“I think what happened basically, was that on a few evenings, events did simply go on for too long and I can’t apologise for that enough,” he said.Britain had one of the highest coronavirus death tolls in the world with more than 1,75,000 deaths by the time Johnson said he would step down as prime minister.The campaign group Covid-19 Bereaved Families for Justice UK said that Wednesday was “a new low” for Johnson and said it was “painful to watch him pull his usual tricks of deflection, self-pity and blaming everyone but himself”.Johnson accepted he had inadvertently misled parliament but had believed what he had said when he spoke.“I didn’t think that those events were an issue. Nobody had previously raised them with me as being things that I ought to be concerned about,” Johnson said. “Call me obtuse or oblivious, but they did not seem to me to be in conflict with the rules.”

In UK hearing, Boris Johnson fights for his political career, says ‘I did not lie’ about lockdown parties
Amid Covid, H3N2 rise, how India can help build global resiliencePremium Story
The Indian Express | 6 days ago | 23-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
6 days ago | 23-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

The recent rise in Covid-19 cases reminds us that the pandemic is not yet over. It has added some more concern to the ongoing influenza outbreaks. On the global stage, countries and a range of institutions are negotiating the “pandemic treaty” — a global accord on pandemic prevention, preparedness and response.As is reasonably well known now, the Covid XBB 1.16 variant seems to be fuelling the surge, nearly a three-fold rise in cases over the last fortnight. So far, it has not caused any mortality in India. With more than 6,000 currently active cases, 76 samples of XBB 1.16 have tested positive from eight states, the most so far from Karnataka and Maharashtra. XBB.1.5 has been reported from 38 countries and declared a variant of interest (VOI) by the WHO. It is expected to emerge as a dominant strain in the UK and Europe and is rapidly spreading in the US as well. Even individuals who had received three or four doses of an mRNA vaccine (such as Moderna or Pfizer), plus suffered a BA.5 infection, were not immune to this variant. There is no evidence of any potential change in severity though. The growth advantage of XBB 1.16 is nearly one-and-a-half times of XBB.1.5, making it a rather aggressive variant, and with immune escape properties too.Another potential worry from Israel is the identification of a combination of the BA.1 (Omicron) and infectious BA.2 variants. The virus was detected in the parents of an infant boy, in whom two viruses linked up and exchanged genetic materials. The current test positivity rate is 10 per cent, a worrying metric by all accounts.This current landscape of Covid-19 is layered with a huge surge of H3N2 Influenza A cases, with at least nine reported deaths. Influenza B has also been identified. Both these are seasonal influenzas, driving up the hospital — including intensive care — admissions. Much like Covid-19, the high-risk groups are pregnant women, the elderly and those with chronic medical conditions and immunosuppressive conditions. Healthcare workers are at particularly high risk of getting affected and in turn spread to vulnerable persons.The limitations of the International Health Regulations (IHR) 2005 were exposed during the Covid-19 pandemic — both in countries not reporting in time and the international agencies not responding adequately. Local, national and global governance is increasingly being recognised as an important determinant of the emergence and re-emergence of diseases of animal origin. To re-emphasise, both Covid-19 and the influenza viruses have animal origins — “spill over” in technical jargon — when a virus is able to overcome several barriers to “jump” and become feasible in another species.It is in this context that the World Health Assembly set off a global process in December 2021, at its second-ever special session, to draft and negotiate a convention agreement to strengthen pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. An intergovernmental negotiating body (INB) that includes WHO’s 194 countries is steering this process. At the same time, more than 300 amendments to the IHR are also being discussed. The World Health Assembly in 2024 is expected to ratify these, ushering in a “comprehensive, complementary and synergistic set of global health agreements”. The WHO Director-General referred to this initiative as a once-in-a-generation opportunity to strengthen the global health architecture to protect and promote the well-being of all people.The G20 group of countries, with the Indian presidency, has a significant role to play. This is particularly so in light of the One Health Mission that India is working on and is expected to be rolled out in the near future. The G20 is already engaged with One Health (OH) issues and pandemic preparedness is one of the current focus areas.India, representing the Global South, is expected to play a role in integrating equity considerations in the ongoing negotiations. Scholars have enunciated three key equity considerations. First, the appropriate use, recognition, and protection of indigenous knowledge, which has traditionally recognised the interconnectedness of human, non-human and ecosystem health. Second, the substantive and equitable inclusion of women and minority groups, including racial, ethnic and sexual minorities – traditionally under-represented groups in treaty design and implementation. Third, the use of health equity impact and gender-based analysis to identify and develop mitigation plans for the potentially inequitable impact of epidemics.On the domestic front, the tasks include promoting the establishment of OH infrastructure. This will need an integrated OH surveillance system, building and nurturing partnerships to connect and share data on infectious pathogens in wildlife, companion animals, livestock, humans, the environment, and related risk factors. India will also need to build OH capacity and pandemic preparedness monitoring and assessment into the state and district governance architecture that will draw upon an inter-/ transdisciplinary OH evaluation framework and methodology, including metrics for measuring success.The writer is chairperson, Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi and co-investigator at the UKRI-GCRF One Health Poultry Hub

Amid Covid, H3N2 rise, how India can help build global resiliencePremium Story
Woman fails to recognise her father after Covid-19 infection; can the virus lead to face blindness?
The Indian Express | 1 week ago | 22-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
1 week ago | 22-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

When Annie (name changed), a 28-year-old customer service representative and portrait painter, caught Covid-19 infection, she experienced symptoms such as high-grade fever, coughing fits that led to fainting due to lack of oxygen, tightness in the chest, shortness of breath, diarrhoea, and loss of smell and taste. However, three weeks after symptom onset, she felt well enough to start working from home before seeing her symptoms return four weeks later.According to a study, published in the journal Cortex, she noticed disorientation and that “something was off with faces”. “These deficits caused her primary care provider to send her to seek care in an Emergency Department (ED). At the ED, a CT scan revealed no active bleeds in her brain, and she was discharged,” it added.However, in June 2020, when spending time with her family for the first time since contracting Covid-19, Annie noticed that she was unable to recognise her father or visually distinguish him from her uncle. “My dad’s voice came out of a stranger’s face,” she told the researchers. Sharing that she is now relying heavily on people’s voices for identification purposes, Annie said that she was previously able to draw a face and only look at a reference photo every 15–30 min, she now depends on photographs while drawing.“Faces are like water in my head,” she said, sharing that she is now relying heavily on people’s voices for identification purposes. In the case study, Annie scored poorly on all four facial recognition tests used to diagnose prosopagnosia, or face blindness. She also reported to told that, since her COVID-19 infection, she has experienced “substantial” deficits in her navigation abilities, which frequently co-occur with prosopagnosia, the study authors wrote.To explore whether other people experienced similar problems, the researchers surveyed 54 individuals who had long Covid about their neuropsychological abilities. A majority of them reported a decline in visual recognition and navigation abilities, the authors added. They said that these findings indicate that Covid-19 may cause severe and selective neuropsychological impairments “similar to deficits seen following brain damage,” and that these problems are not uncommon among patients with long Covid.What is face blindness?Face blindness, also known as prosopagnosia, is a neurological condition that affects a person’s ability to recognise faces. “It is a disorder of face perception where the brain has difficulty recognising and distinguishing between faces, even those of people the person knows well,” said Dr Ravindra Srivastava, Head of the Department and Senior Consultant, Neurosurgery, Primus Super Speciality Hospital, New Delhi.Agreeing, Dr Pavan Pai, Consultant Interventional Neurologist, Wockhardt Hospitals, Mira Road, said that it is a neurological disorder that requires timely medical attention.SymptomsAccording to Dr Pai, the main symptom is that one fails to recognise faces even of people they tend to know. “Other signs can be the inability to recognize emotions on one’s face, not being able to know the gender or age of people, and not being able to recognise cars, animals, one’s gender, and characters in the film,” he said, adding that these symptoms can lead to problems in day-to-day life.What is it caused by?While the exact cause of face blindness is not fully understood, it is thought to be related to abnormalities in the brain’s fusiform gyrus, which is responsible for face recognition, Dr Srivastava said. “In some cases, it can be present from birth, while in others it may be the result of a brain injury or neurological disorder. More importantly, it is recognized that when Rt. fusiform gyrus was involved, it causes facial blindness.”Dr Pai added that this condition also runs in families. “Moreover, brain damage, stroke, head injury, Alzheimer’s disease, and even encephalitis which is the inflammation of the brain can lead to this problem,” he said.Link between Covid-19 and face blindnessAcknowledging the recent study on the same, the experts noted that more research is needed to confirm the relationship between Covid-19 and face blindness. “The exact link between COVID-19 and face blindness is not yet fully understood. However, it is thought to be related to the virus’s impact on the brain and nervous system. COVID-19 has been associated with a range of neurological symptoms, and it is thought that the virus may be able to cross the blood-brain barrier and directly affect the brain. More research is needed to understand the mechanisms behind this potential link,” Dr Srivastava elucidated.Agreeing, Dr Pai said that Covid-19 can impact one’s cognitive and perceptual abilities, causing face blindness. “One should be aware of it,” he said.How to cope?Here are some ways to cope with face blindness, as suggested by Dr Srivastava.*Do tell people about the condition before you meet them.*Ask people you are close to for help in identifying others.*Ask people to introduce themselves.*When you greet them, use people’s voices or body language to tell them apart.*Make a note of distinctive features about a person, such as hairstyles, jewellery, or accessories.*Use name tags or write down the names of colleagues and where they sit at work.📣 For more lifestyle news, follow us on Instagram | Twitter | Facebook and don’t miss out on the latest updates!

Woman fails to recognise her father after Covid-19 infection; can the virus lead to face blindness?
Ayurvedic drug Ayush 64 well-tolerated and safe for use in Covid-19 patients: Study
The Indian Express | 1 week ago | 22-03-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
1 week ago | 22-03-2023 | 12:45 pm

The poly-herbal Ayurvedic drug Ayush 64 that was repurposed for use during the Covid-19 pandemic has been found to be well-tolerated and safe, a new study in the PLOS One journal has said.The study published on March 16 said the drug, in combination with the standard of care (SOC), hastened recovery, reduced hospitalisation, and improved health among Covid-19 cases. It is significant as only a few drug trials from Ayurveda or other alternative systems have broken into the domain of modern medicine publications in journals with high impact factors. Rajesh Kotecha, secretary of the Union Ministry of Ayush, told The Indian Express that the study was a great model reflecting a systematic approach by modern medicine doctors, epidemiologists, pulmonologists, basic science researchers, ethics experts from a host of institutions like the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), Department of Biotechnology (DBT), Ayurveda scientists and doctors.The Central Council of Research in Ayurvedic Sciences (CCRAS), under the Ayush ministry, funded the study. The drug was repurposed for Covid-19 based on the recommendations of the interdisciplinary Ayush R&D task force chaired by Prof Bhushan Patwardhan, former vice-chairman of the University Grants Commission (UGC).Initially developed to treat malaria, Ayush 64 was found helpful in treating mild respiratory tract infections. Each 500 mg tablet contained aqueous extracts (100 mg each) of Alstonia scholaris (bark), Picrorhiza kurroa (rhizome), Swertia chirata (whole plant) and Caesalpinia crista (200 mg seed powder).According to the study, Ayush 64 was well-tolerated and found safe over 12 weeks of use in treating mild to moderate symptomatic patients of Covid-19. Kotecha said to reduce the burden on the hospital-based healthcare delivery system during the second wave of Covid-19, the Ayush ministry conducted a community-based study of Ayush 64 in asymptomatic, mild to moderate Covid-19 patients in home isolation. “More than 64,000 participants enrolled for the study and 96 per cent of them clinically recovered after administering Ayush 64 for 20 days. These research studies have been published in indexed medical journals with good impact factors such as Frontiers in Public Health, Complementary Therapies in Medicine, and PLOS One, among others,” he said.When contacted, Dr Patwardhan said this was a well-planned randomised multi-centre clinical trial conforming to good clinical practices. “In a way, this is a historical study which can serve as a role model for transdisciplinary research integrating a standard of care and ayurveda,” Dr Patwardhan said.Pune-based rheumatologist Dr Arvind Chopra, national clinical coordinator of the CCRAS-CSIR project for Covid-19 drug trials, said that the drug trial was unprecedented in several ways, especially in the domain of alternative medicinal systems. The study showed no participants progressed to severe Covid-19 or required intensive care. “Getting published in PLOS One, one of the most credible medical journals in the world, was an uphill task. Several journal referees critically reviewed the trial report and data on primary efficacy was reanalysed by journal experts before being accepted,” Dr Chopra added.Meanwhile, data from the Indian Medicines Pharmaceutical Corporation Limited (IMPCL), the public sector manufacturing unit of the Ayush ministry, showed that in 2021-22, Ayush 64 worth more than Rs 28 crore was sold. According to Ayush ministry officials, good sales were reported from 46 other industries where the technology was transferred.

Ayurvedic drug Ayush 64 well-tolerated and safe for use in Covid-19 patients: Study