What will India’s collective self look like in the mirror of the near future? Any analysis of the politics of the present moment — of today and tomorrow — needs to be anchored in this difficult question. The answer to it hinges on what India has become today. After eight years of the BJP’s single-party dominance, politics is at a crossroads: It can cling to the remnants of a nearly-demolished democratic spirit or slip into the abyss of more explicit authoritarianism. If the latter happens, we shall have transformed not just in politics but in identity too. Such a transformation represents no less than a hegemonic project that is still unfolding. Election outcomes and the shape of party competition, crucial as they are, should also be located in this larger inquiry. Let us, therefore, attempt to look not only at 2024 but a little beyond that; and not only at elections but much beyond that.Two interlinked processes are shaping today. One is taking place in the arena of competitive politics and is marked by the rise of the “second dominant party system”. The other is in the realm of politics of normative contestations. The single-party dominance that the BJP has achieved is vulnerable at the state level. There are states where this dominance has so far failed to make its mark. The BJP is also vulnerable in its exclusive dependence on a single leader who needs to toil for local body elections as hard as the parliamentary elections. Similarly, the hegemony that marks the public domain is earned and retained through a complex and frail process. It is ideologically weak and thrives on distortions, manipulations and intellectually inadequate cribbing over victimhood and whataboutery.Not surprisingly, the current hegemony and single-party dominance are coupled with crass repression by the state and by state-approved vigilantism of private actors. In coming years, the BJP might retain its hold on formal power and competitive politics. It may also successfully stabilise the current distortion of public culture. But its reliance on repression and celebration of masculine militarism against the citizenry will continue.During its second term, the current regime has made concerted efforts to undermine constitutional democracy but even before that, the process of hollowing the various institutions had begun. While constitutional bodies like the judiciary or the Election Commission have been tamed or threatened, the most abject surrender facilitating an authoritarian turn of governance has been by the bureaucracy and investigating agencies. So much so that these two have become partners of the political establishment in the crime against democracy.In this overall context, irrespective of electoral outcomes, we are bound to witness a further weakening of the liberal norm. It is true that all parties, when they acquire power, adopt a statist approach bordering on disguised authoritarianism either in the legal instruments they create or in the application of existing ones. Yet, the present moment must be distinguished from this more general tendency. The current regime is inherently antagonistic to the liberal norm. The liberal norm and majoritarianism are at odds and the latter is at the heart of the current regime’s ideological project. This dichotomy pitches today’s regime against all dimensions of the liberal ethic.Today, the acceptability of majoritarianism is linked to the nature of religious identity. Instead of a move from ritual practices to joyful festivities, each religious event is pulled back into the vortex of public performance of rituals and their linkage to religiosity and national pride. These developments have implications for how the project of evolving a political community necessary for democracy is undermined. This is happening through four processes.One, ever since the Ayodhya controversy was stoked in the late Eighties, Muslims are reminded of being Muslims rather than Indians. In a sense, a conservative Muslim-ness is forced upon the community through its isolation and now its conversion into second-class citizenry. To a lesser extent, this happens in the case of Christians as well. Two, through the onslaught of public display of religiosity, Hindus are persuaded to become more Hindu in a superficial sense. That is where the discourse of Hindutva has been very successful. Three, as a corollary, the plural nature of Hinduism is pushed aside in favour of a more pan-Indian, homogenised idea of Hinduism.As a result, the fourth process: The space for cultural intermixing in the social realm shrinks just as the space for cultural contestations and politics of culture in the party arena almost disappears. This is where we come back to the idea of a dominant party system. It is not so much about electoral expansion as it is about the ability of the dominant party to determine what will be the ideological contours of political competition. The idea of the middle ground of politics has been changing. Today, the BJP is poised to force not just the style and language of politics but also the substance of politics onto its opponents and once that exercise is complete, the transformation of India from an imagined constitutional democracy to a majoritarian regime will be complete.How long will this transformation take? In 2019, by allowing the BJP to win big, the non-BJP parties facilitated a major step in this direction. In 2024, the BJP would expect to take the final step in changing the idea that defines India. In this sense, elections will determine the image of India in the mirror of the future: With each day the present regime enjoys formal and cultural power, the decimation of the constitutional project and distortion of India’s collective self will come closer. This underscores the urgency of confronting the second dominant party system on two fronts. One is a mundane exercise of weakening the electoral prowess of the current regime. The arrogance of the present power machine, from top to bottom, may contribute to this exercise. The other is the rebuilding of the constitutional imagination with something almost unique to India — entwining diversity with the idea of democracy. This will automatically strengthen the liberal spirit. These efforts may prolong the fruition of the hegemonic project that is currently underway. This is where the innate tradition of accommodation and coexistence may prove valuable.As the BJP’s power saturates in some parts and remains vulnerable in many others, one may expect an open political battlefield but the core issue is: Both during electoral battle and after that, in the course of routine politics, will non-BJP parties have an agenda of protecting the democratic promise we once held? Can we, as Indians, look up straight in the face of our future image?The writer, based in Pune, taught political science and is chief editor of Studies in Indian Politics
What will India’s collective self look like in the mirror of the near future? Any analysis of the politics of the present moment — of today and tomorrow — needs to be anchored in this difficult question. The answer to it hinges on what India has become today. After eight years of the BJP’s single-party dominance, politics is at a crossroads: It can cling to the remnants of a nearly-demolished democratic spirit or slip into the abyss of more explicit authoritarianism. If the latter happens, we shall have transformed not just in politics but in identity too. Such a transformation represents no less than a hegemonic project that is still unfolding. Election outcomes and the shape of party competition, crucial as they are, should also be located in this larger inquiry. Let us, therefore, attempt to look not only at 2024 but a little beyond that; and not only at elections but much beyond that.Two interlinked processes are shaping today. One is taking place in the arena of competitive politics and is marked by the rise of the “second dominant party system”. The other is in the realm of politics of normative contestations. The single-party dominance that the BJP has achieved is vulnerable at the state level. There are states where this dominance has so far failed to make its mark. The BJP is also vulnerable in its exclusive dependence on a single leader who needs to toil for local body elections as hard as the parliamentary elections. Similarly, the hegemony that marks the public domain is earned and retained through a complex and frail process. It is ideologically weak and thrives on distortions, manipulations and intellectually inadequate cribbing over victimhood and whataboutery.Not surprisingly, the current hegemony and single-party dominance are coupled with crass repression by the state and by state-approved vigilantism of private actors. In coming years, the BJP might retain its hold on formal power and competitive politics. It may also successfully stabilise the current distortion of public culture. But its reliance on repression and celebration of masculine militarism against the citizenry will continue.During its second term, the current regime has made concerted efforts to undermine constitutional democracy but even before that, the process of hollowing the various institutions had begun. While constitutional bodies like the judiciary or the Election Commission have been tamed or threatened, the most abject surrender facilitating an authoritarian turn of governance has been by the bureaucracy and investigating agencies. So much so that these two have become partners of the political establishment in the crime against democracy.In this overall context, irrespective of electoral outcomes, we are bound to witness a further weakening of the liberal norm. It is true that all parties, when they acquire power, adopt a statist approach bordering on disguised authoritarianism either in the legal instruments they create or in the application of existing ones. Yet, the present moment must be distinguished from this more general tendency. The current regime is inherently antagonistic to the liberal norm. The liberal norm and majoritarianism are at odds and the latter is at the heart of the current regime’s ideological project. This dichotomy pitches today’s regime against all dimensions of the liberal ethic.Today, the acceptability of majoritarianism is linked to the nature of religious identity. Instead of a move from ritual practices to joyful festivities, each religious event is pulled back into the vortex of public performance of rituals and their linkage to religiosity and national pride. These developments have implications for how the project of evolving a political community necessary for democracy is undermined. This is happening through four processes.One, ever since the Ayodhya controversy was stoked in the late Eighties, Muslims are reminded of being Muslims rather than Indians. In a sense, a conservative Muslim-ness is forced upon the community through its isolation and now its conversion into second-class citizenry. To a lesser extent, this happens in the case of Christians as well. Two, through the onslaught of public display of religiosity, Hindus are persuaded to become more Hindu in a superficial sense. That is where the discourse of Hindutva has been very successful. Three, as a corollary, the plural nature of Hinduism is pushed aside in favour of a more pan-Indian, homogenised idea of Hinduism.As a result, the fourth process: The space for cultural intermixing in the social realm shrinks just as the space for cultural contestations and politics of culture in the party arena almost disappears. This is where we come back to the idea of a dominant party system. It is not so much about electoral expansion as it is about the ability of the dominant party to determine what will be the ideological contours of political competition. The idea of the middle ground of politics has been changing. Today, the BJP is poised to force not just the style and language of politics but also the substance of politics onto its opponents and once that exercise is complete, the transformation of India from an imagined constitutional democracy to a majoritarian regime will be complete.How long will this transformation take? In 2019, by allowing the BJP to win big, the non-BJP parties facilitated a major step in this direction. In 2024, the BJP would expect to take the final step in changing the idea that defines India. In this sense, elections will determine the image of India in the mirror of the future: With each day the present regime enjoys formal and cultural power, the decimation of the constitutional project and distortion of India’s collective self will come closer. This underscores the urgency of confronting the second dominant party system on two fronts. One is a mundane exercise of weakening the electoral prowess of the current regime. The arrogance of the present power machine, from top to bottom, may contribute to this exercise. The other is the rebuilding of the constitutional imagination with something almost unique to India — entwining diversity with the idea of democracy. This will automatically strengthen the liberal spirit. These efforts may prolong the fruition of the hegemonic project that is currently underway. This is where the innate tradition of accommodation and coexistence may prove valuable.As the BJP’s power saturates in some parts and remains vulnerable in many others, one may expect an open political battlefield but the core issue is: Both during electoral battle and after that, in the course of routine politics, will non-BJP parties have an agenda of protecting the democratic promise we once held? Can we, as Indians, look up straight in the face of our future image?The writer, based in Pune, taught political science and is chief editor of Studies in Indian Politics
It isn’t just aspirants in the BJP who are keen to contest in the upcoming bypoll to the Kasba Peth Assembly constituency in Maharashtra’s Pune following the death of sitting party legislator Mukta Tilak, but alliance partners of the Opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) too are keen to contest the election.Mukta, 57, great granddaughter-in-law of freedom fighter Bal Gangadhar Tilak, died of cancer on December 22. The former mayor of Pune was elected to the state Legislative Assembly from Kasba Peth, a BJP bastion, in 2019.Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) city spokesperson Rupali Patil Thombare, who is a former Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) leader from Pune, has publicly expressed her desire to contest the Kasba bypoll if the party asks her to do so. “Mukta Tilak passed away recently due to illness. It is unlikely that anyone from her family would be contesting on a BJP seat and in that case if my party asks me to contest the election then I am prepared to do so,” Rupali said, adding that she was denied ticket by the MNS in 2019 for the Kasba Assembly seat on ground of Mukta’s illness.Her statement has, however, not gone down well within the NCP and Congress. “The demise of Mukta Tilak took place just a few days ago and already discussions have started for the bypoll. This is not the culture of Pune and the state. I have given directions to all NCP party workers and leaders to not discuss it,” said city NCP chief Prashant Jagtap.“It was wrong on her part to make such a statement without discussing it with senior party leaders. This will be conveyed to the party leadership,” said another NCP leader.City Congress chief Arvind Shinde said, “It was the tradition of the state that if a sitting legislator dies and a family member of the deceased legislator contests the bypoll for the seat then the person irrespective of the political party is elected unopposed. If anyone from the Tilak family contests the Kasba seat then I would personally request the party leadership to not put a candidate but the final decision will be of the party.”On the NCP leader expressing wish to contest the Kasba by-election, he said that it was the personal opinion of the leader and not of her party. “In case BJP gives candidature to someone from outside the Tilak family then it is obvious that the Congress will contest it as the seat has always been contested by the party under the alliance seat-sharing arrangement. There is no way the Congress will let the seat be contested by any other alliance partner,” he said.Incidentally, Shinde had contested the 2019 Assembly elections from Kasba and lost to Mukta who had bagged 75,492 votes, while he had received 47,296 votes. “A Shiv Sena rebel had bagged 14,000 votes in Kasba assembly seat in the 2019 elections. Now, the Sena faction led by Uddhav Thackeray is in alliance with the Congress and NCP as part of Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA). The situation has changed. The Congress will surely contest it,” Shinde said.Within the BJP, there is a demand to ensure unopposed bypoll for Kasba seat by giving candidature to either Shailesh Tilak, husband of Mukta Tilak, or their son Karan Tilak, However, they have less experience in politics. There are experienced aspirants, including Ganesh Bidkar, Hemant Rasane and Dheeraj Ghate who can be fielded from the constituency.
After the demise of sitting legislator Mukta Tilak last week and the elevation of Girish Bapat to Lok Sabha in 2019, the Kasba Peth Assembly constituency in Maharashtra, a BJP bastion, opens up for aspirants outside the Tilak and Bapat families. However, the demand for giving party tickets to Tilak family members has already come up.Tilak, 57, great-granddaughter-in-law of freedom fighter Bal Gangadhar Tilak, died of cancer on December 22. She served the BJP for 30 years and was elected to Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC) consecutively four times. She was the former mayor of Pune and was the first from the BJP after the party came to power for the first time in the PMC, in 2017.Bapat, 71, was elevated to Lok Sabha from the Pune seat in 2019, prior to which he was elected to the state Assembly five times consecutively from 1995. He was earlier elected thrice as a corporator in the PMC. The veteran BJP leader has not been not keeping well. He has roped in his daughter-in-law Swarali Bapat, who is also the daughter of BJP leader Neeta Kelkar, into active politics as his son has stayed away from politics.In 2019, Bapat made way for a new party candidate at the Kasba Peth Assembly segment and Tilak was the party’s choice considering the popularity and importance of the Tilak family.“My colleague Mukta Tilak recently passed away. The BJP should give party ticket to her husband Shailesh Tilak or son Karan Tilak in the bypoll for the Kasba assembly seat and all other political parties should support them considering the contribution of the Tilak family in the freedom struggle,” said BJP leader Ujjwal Keskar. Incidentally, Shailesh Tilak has not been active in politics while Karan Tilak has recently started working for the BJP at the local level.There are many other aspirants for the party ticket. Among them are former corporators Ganesh Bidkar, Hemant Rasane and Dheeraj Ghate. Bidkar is a confidant of senior state-level BJP leaders while Rasane was a three-time standing committee chairperson of the BJP. Ghate is known as a staunch Hindutva activist.“Many aspirants in BJP see the present situation as the right and the only time to make their moves to contest the Kasba Assembly seat with the party unlikely to give a ticket to inexperienced members of Tilak or Bapat family,” said a BJP leader, adding it would be the party that would take the final call on candidature.The BJP’s strength was earlier restricted to the central part of the city but increased tremendously in the last few years with the party winning all eight Assembly seats and one Lok Sabha seat in 2014. It consolidated it by coming to power in the PMC for the first time in history in 2017. It also won six Assembly seats and the Pune Lok Sabha seat in 2019.
Maharashtra Civic Body Polls: Voting for 7,682 Gram Panchayats was held on December 18.Nagpur: The ruling BJP and other parties on Tuesday separately claimed to have won maximum Gram Panchayats in Maharashtra in the maiden local body polls conducted after the alliance government led by Eknath Shinde came to power in June this year.Similar claims of victory were made by the faction led by Chief Minister Shinde, Sharad Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party, the Congress, and the Uddhav Thackeray faction, even though the elections were not contested as per party affiliations.Voting for 7,682 Gram Panchayats was held on December 18. The results were declared on Tuesday. The Bharatiya Janata Party stated the candidates backed by the party have won 2,482 seats, while the Shinde faction claimed victory in 842 seats.The NCP claimed to have won 1,215 seats while the Congress said the highest number of more than 900 sarpanchs were elected from that party alone. The Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) faction said it bagged 639 seats.Maharashtra State Election Commission (MSEC), however, said as the elections were contested by panels (comprising groups of candidates irrespective of political affiliations), the commission does not provide data suggesting the number of villages or seats won by any particular party."Voting took place for 7,682 Gram Panchayats which were supposed to elect 65,996 members. 14,028 members got elected unopposed for various local reasons."Out of 7,619 villages in the state, the election of Sarpanchs (village head) was unopposed in 699 villages. However, no application was filed for the post of Sarpanch in 63 Gram Panchayats," the MSEC said in a statement.After the results were declared, incidents of clashes were reported from Aurangabad and other parts of the state.In Jalgaon district in north Maharashtra, the brother of a winning candidate in Jamner taluka died of a cardiac arrest amid stone pelting between two local factions of BJP, police said."One Dhanraj Mali, the brother of the winning candidate in Takli Kurd village, was present when stone pelting started. He felt unconscious and died due to cardiac arrest. There were no injury marks on his body," said M Rajkumar, Superintendent of Police, Jalgaon district.Earlier in the day, Maharashtra BJP president Chandrashekhar Bawankule had termed the poll outcome a "historic" win for the party, which he said showed that rural Maharashtra trusted the Shinde-Devendra Fadnavis government."The entire state is getting saffronised. It is a historic win for the BJP," he told reporters in Nagpur.State Congress chief Nana Patole, however, accused the BJP of indulging in false propaganda about the election results."The highest number of more than 900 sarpanchs were elected from the Congress alone and the number of sarpanch seats won by the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) is far more than the BJP," he said.PromotedListen to the latest songs, only on JioSaavn.comLeader of Opposition in the Legislative Council and Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Ambadas Danve said a large number of sarpanchs from his faction were being elected.(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)Featured Video Of The DaySrinagar Records -4.2 Degrees, 40-Day Intense Cold Spell Begins
MUMBAI: BJP claimed to have won 32% of the 7,682 gram panchayats across the state that went to polls on Sunday. It said BJP-Balasahebanchi Shiv Sena alliance won nearly 43% of gram panchayats. On the other hand, opposition MVA, too, claimed to have most gram panchayats.The elections are contested by individuals and not as members of political outfits, though many are affiliated to parties. Hence, the rival claims on the seats won. According to BJP, it has won 2,482 gram panchayats and the Shinde faction 842.Congress claimed to have won 900. NCP state president Jayant Patil said his party has won 1,300 and MVA total 2,651. He said the picture would be clear on Wednesday when the tally for 7,751 gram panchayats-in 69 winners were elected unopposed- will be released.BJP rejects MVA claim of big win in gram panchayat pollsContesting MVA's claim of a big win in the gram panchayat elections, BJP said Congress had won 809, NC,287 and Shiv Sena (UBT) 639 seats with others securing 1,135.In Nagpur district, Congress said it had emerged the winner in 200 of 236 seats.The State Election Commission (SEC) had announced elections to 7,751 gram panchayats. However, in the case of 69, members were elected unopposed. Hence, only 7,682 went to polls Sunday.The SEC announced the results for all 65,916 gram panchayat seats, of which 14,028 saw members elected unopposed. Direct elections were also held for the post of sarpanch. In polls conducted for 7,619 sarpanch posts, 699 were elected unopposed. Sixty-three gram panchayats saw no nominations filed for the post of sarpanch.Deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis said BJP had once again proved it is the No. 1 party in the state. "No matter how many parties come together, the results are already decided. Our thumping victory proves who was the illegitimate government. First, it was the courts that said this is a legitimate government and now the people have endorsed it," he said. Terming the results as "historic", BJP state president Chandrashekhar Bawankule claimed that it showed rural Maharashtra trusted the new government. "The entire state is getting saffronised," he said.CM Eknath Shinde said while the opposition had criticised his regime for doing little for farmers, it was his government's pro-farmer decisions that reflected in the gram panchayat elections.State Congress chief Nana Patole dismissed the saffron leaders' claims as hollow, saying the BJP had lost in Fetari village adopted by it and in the hometown of Bawankule. "The electorate in rural parts have outrightly rejected the BJP-Shinde alliance,'' he said.According to Patole, the performance of the Congress and its allies was impressive. "The elections have once again established the Congress is firm position in rural areas. In Nagpur, the hometown of Fadnavis and Bawankule, they could not secure more than 36 seats, while the remaining 200 seats were captured by the Congress,'' he said, claiming the BJP's downfall had started from the legislative council polls, in which it lost the Nagpur seat to the Congress nominee.AAP retained Kawalewadi (Osmanabad), Siddhanath (Nanded) and Sarola (Aurangabad) gram panchayats.Meanwhile, in Jalgaon, the brother of a victorious candidate died of a cardiac arrest amid stone-pelting between two BJP factions.
The BJP has raised its target of "difficult" Lok Sabha seats across the country that the party will seek to win in the 2024 general election to 160 from 144, increasing the number of such constituencies in Bihar and Maharashtra in the changed political scenario.The party is organising a two-day training programme in Patna from Wednesday for the party's vistaraks or full-time workers in 100 Lok Sabha seats. BJP general secretary (organisation) BL Santosh, general secretaries Sunil Bansal and Vinod Tawde, joint general secretary Shiv Prakash and Bihar co-incharge Harish Dwivedi will address the workers during the programme. Party president JP Nadda will address the workers virtually from Delhi. The vistaraks are stationed in the region and they work on developing a grassroots party network.In its first list of 144 Lok Sabha seats, the party had identified four seats from Bihar - Nawada, Vaishali, Valmiki Nagar and Kishanganj. Now, after the JDU broke away from the NDA and joined the Grand Alliance, the party believes there are six more such seats - Katihar, Supaul, Munger, Jhanjharpur, Gaya and Purnia.In the 2019 Lok Sabha election, the BJP and chief minister Nitish Kumar-led JDU contested 17 seats each in Bihar. While the BJP won all of them, the JDU also emerged victorious in all but one constituency. The six remaining seats were won by another BJP ally, Lok Janshakti Party, then headed by Ram Vilas Paswan.Similarly, the party feels that in the wake of Maha Vikas Aghadi planning to contest together, ten more seats in Maharashtra should feature in its "difficult" list.A similar training programme for the vistaraks of the remaining 60 Lok Sabha seats will be organised in Hyderabad from December 28. It will also kick-start the second phase of the party's outreach and expansion programme in these Lok Sabha seats. Just as in the first phase, the party will deploy Union ministers to stay overnight in the identified Lok Sabha seats.
The Bharatiya Janata Party on Tuesday claimed it had won 2,482 seats out of the 7,751 gram panchayat seats in Maharashtra. The results also led to violence in a few parts of the state with at least one death, of a BJP worker, reported in Jalgaon.The Shiv Sena faction led by Chief Minister Eknath Shinde claimed it has won in 842 gram panchayats and said the results showed that the 'opposition campaign that portrayed the government as anti-farmer has not worked'. "Our government is committed to working for the farmers and we have initiated many schemes for them and the poor and this can be seen from the results," said a leader from the Shinde faction.There were several high profile candidates in the fray with Bhavani Patil, daughter of Gujarat BJP Chief CR Patil, in the fray in the Mohadi gram panchayat in Jalgaon. While Bhavani won, her panel lost.Shiv Sena President Uddhav Thackeray said that the results of the gram panchayat elections cannot be attributed to any party as the elections were not contested in any party symbol and the elections to the gram panchayat were held on local factors.Amid claims and counterclaims by parties, the results show the which party is stronger on the ground with the BJP winning in more than 2,000 gram panchayats, followed by the Nationalist Congress party in 1219. The Uddhav Thackeray group of the Shiv Sena has won in 639, while the Congress has emerged victorious in 869 gram panchayats.The BJP claimed the results show it has immense grassroots support even though the elections are not fought on party symbols. The parties support local candidanot just to control the gram panchayats, but also to shore up their party base."We have very good results in the gram panchayat results and the two parties BJP and Balasahebanchi Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde group) have performed well in every corner of the state. In all, we both have got our sarpanches in 3,029 gram panchayats. This shows the people of the state are happy with our performance and like our work. I would like to thank the people of the state for expressing confidence in our rule," said a BJP leader.
The Delhi High Court on Friday disposed of former Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray’s plea against a single judge order that dismissed his petition challenging the Election Commission of India (ECI)’s decision to freeze claim over “Shiv Sena” party name and the “bow and arrow” symbol.The court said the ECI is “free to proceed with the adjudication of the dispute” and will proceed in accordance with the procedure followed by it.Thackeray and Eknath Shinde factions of the Shiv Sena approached the ECI with a claim on the party name and symbol, but the election panel in its October 8 interim order restrained both factions from using those until a decision was taken.On November 15, a single-judge bench of Justice Sanjeev Narula dismissed Thackeray’s plea and further directed the ECI to decide the issue in an “expeditious manner”. The single judge had also observed that expeditious disposal of the issue would be in the interest of the parties as well as the public, noting that there was no “interdict” on the matter by the Supreme Court. The single judge further said the objection to the maintainability of the petition will be examined by the ECI on its own merits while reaching a final decision.A division bench of Chief Justice Satish Chandra Sharma and Justice Subramonium Prasad had heard the parties argue at length on Thursday, where senior advocate Kapil Sibal, appearing for Thackeray, submitted his grievance with respect to the observations made by the single judge in its order. The single judge had said that Thackeray had raised a jurisdictional objection regarding maintainability of the dispute petition before the ECI, and the “court is confident that the same would be examined on its own merits by ECI while rendering the final decision, notwithstanding the lack of trust exhibited by the petitioner”.Thackeray had filed an application before the ECI raising two preliminary objections — whether there is any split in the political party (Shiv Sena) and whether the dispute petition can be maintained at the behest of a person (Shinde) who has given up membership of the party and incurred disqualification under Xth Schedule of the Constitution.The division bench noted Sibal’s contention that the observation of the single judge will “virtually inhibit the ECI from taking up” Thackeray’s application before disposing of the matter finally.Without going into the factual issues, the division bench said the two preliminary issues raised by Thackeray in his application before the ECI were pending before the Supreme Court, “yet the apex court… has held that there shall be no stay on the proceedings before the ECI”. “Therefore, the ECI is free to proceed with the adjudication of the dispute pending before it,” the HC noted.Disposing Thackeray’s appeal, the HC said: “It is needless to state that the ECI will proceed in accordance with the procedure followed by the commission…”.
While disposing of former Maharashtra CM Uddhav Thackeray’s appeal against an order of the single judge of the HC, which dismissed his plea challenging the Election Commission of India’s (ECI) decision to freeze claim over the ‘Shiv Sena’ party name and the ‘bow and arrow’ symbol, the Delhi High Court said on Friday that poll body will proceed in accordance with the procedure followed by it.The Thackeray and Eknath Shinde factions of the Shiv Sena approached the ECI with a claim on the party name ‘Shiv Sena’ and the ‘bow and arrow’ symbol but the election panel in its October 8 interim order restrained both factions from using the party name and the symbol until a decision was taken.On November 15, a single-judge bench of Justice Sanjeev Narula dismissed Thackeray’s plea and further directed the ECI to decide the issue in an “expeditious manner”. The single judge had also observed that expeditious disposal of the issue would be in the interest of the parties as well as the public, noting that there was no “interdict” on the matter by the Supreme Court. The single judge further said that the objection to the maintainability of the petition will be examined by the ECI on its own merits while reaching a final decision.A division bench of Chief Justice Satish Chandra Sharma and Justice Subramonium Prasad had heard the parties argue at length on Thursday, where senior advocate Kapil Sibal appearing for Thackeray submitted his grievance with respect to the observations made by the single judge in its order. The single judge had said Thackeray had raised a jurisdictional objection regarding the maintainability of the dispute petition before the ECI, and the “Court is confident that the same would be examined on its own merits by ECI while rendering the final decision, notwithstanding the lack of trust exhibited by the Petitioner”.Thackeray had filed an application before the ECI raising two preliminary objections – whether there is any split in the political party i.e. Shiv Sena and whether the dispute petition can be maintained at the behest of a person (Eknath Shinde) who has given up membership of the party and incurred disqualification under Xth Schedule of the Constitution of India.The division bench noted Sibal’s contention that the observation of the single judge will “virtually inhibit the Election Commission of India from taking up” Thackeray’s application before disposing of the matter finally.Without going into the factual issues, the division bench said the two preliminary issues raised by Thackeray in its application before the ECI were pending before the Supreme Court, “yet the Apex Court vide Order dated 27.09.2022 in IA Nos.101776-77/2022 has held that there shall be no stay on the proceedings before the Election Commission of India”. “Therefore, the Election Commission of India is free to proceed with the adjudication of the dispute pending before it,” the HC noted.Disposing of Thackeray’s appeal the division bench said, “It is needless to state that the Election Commission of India will proceed in accordance with the procedure followed by the Commission while adjudicating a petition under Para 15 of the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968. In view of the above, no further Orders are required to be passed in this appeal”.The appeal contended that the issue of maintainability being a preliminary issue ought to have been decided at the preliminary stage, and the single judge could not have directed ECI to decide the objection on non-maintainability of the petition along with the main petition, which would render a final decision.The appeal further said the single judge failed to appreciate that the question of Shinde’s disqualification is still pending before the Supreme Court and ECI action is premised on an underlying assumption that the apex court will decide in Shinde’s favour.
Former Maharashtra CM Uddhav Thackeray has moved the Delhi High Court against the order of a single judge bench that dismissed his plea against the Election Commission of India’s decision to freeze the “Shiv Sena” party name and “bow and arrow” symbol, which he had laid claim on.Thackeray and Eknath Shinde’s factions approached the ECI with claim on party name ‘Shiv Sena’ and the ‘bow and arrow’ symbol but the election panel in its October 8 interim order restrained both factions from using the party name and the symbol until a decision was taken.On November 15, a single judge bench of Justice Sanjeev Narula dismissed Thackeray’s plea and further directed the ECI to decide the issue in an “expeditious manner”. The HC also observed that an expeditious disposal of the issue would be in the interest of the parties as well as the public, noting that there was no “interdict” on the matter by the Supreme Court. The single judge further said that the objection on maintainability of the petition will be examined by the ECI on its own merits while reaching a final decision.Thackeray’s appeal states that the single judge failed to appreciate that the ECI’s order is “patently illegal, without jurisdiction and unsustainable, both in law and on facts”.The appeal further states that the issue of maintainability being a preliminary issue ought to have been decided at the preliminary stage, and the single judge could not have directed ECI to decide the objection on non-maintainability of the petition along with the main petition, which would render a final decision.The appeal further states that the single judge failed to appreciate that the question of Shinde’s disqualification is still pending before the Supreme Court and ECI’s action is premised on an underlying assumption that the apex court will decide in Shinde’s favour.The single judge had also observed that the ECI passed the freezing order after taking note of the urgency with respect to allotment of symbol as the by-election schedule had been announced. The judge further said that after Thackeray repeatedly sought time before the ECI for furnishing necessary documents, he cannot now allege violation of principles of natural justice and criticise the poll panel.To counter this, the appeal states that the requests for time were made in view of the fact that the ECI’s counsel had agreed for extension of time before the Supreme Court and the apex court had granted liberty to Thackeray to seek time.The appeal is likely to be listed on December 15.
The Rahul Gandhi-led Bharat Jodo Yatra completed 100 days on Friday. To mark the occasion, the party is set to organise a concert in Jaipur where singer Sunidhi Chauhan will perform.The yatra covering 12 states started on September 7 from Kanyakumari and will conclude next month in Srinagar. The estimated 3,500-kilometre distance will be covered in 150 days. At present, the Yatris are in Rajasthan after having covered Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Maharashtra, and Madhya Pradesh.Here is how the yatra has panned out till now:Tamil Nadu (September 7)Before kickstarting the march, Rahul Gandhi paid tributes at his father and former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s memorial in Sriperumbudur in the state. He then launched the yatra and took on the BJP on its patriotism pitch — the party had introduced its Har Ghar Tiranga the month before — accusing it and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) of treating the Tricolour as their “personal property, and arguing that the national flag does not belong to any particular religion. “It is not enough to just salute the flag, it is important to defend the ideas and values behind the flag,” he said.Gandhi received the national flag from Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M K Stalin at the Mahatma Gandhi Mandapam in Kanyakumari. Stalin tweeted: “Today, my brother @RahulGandhi has begun a journey to retrieve India’s soul, to uphold the lofty ideals of our republic and to unite our country’s people with love.”Kerala (September 10)The Kerala leg of the Yatra made news throughout the 18 days it was in the coastal state, with the BJP and the CPI(M) launching attacks. From criticism of the yatra route to hitting out at the use of Hindutva ideologue VD Savarkar’s photo in a banner, the foot march consistently drew the ire of the Congress’s rivals.But for the party, which is now in the Opposition in Kerala for the second straight term, the yatra helped put aside the factionalism in the state unit, rev up its organisational machinery, and mobilise workers in large numbers.Karnataka (September 30)Much was at stake as the Yatra entered Karnataka. The party is in a position to return to power in next year’s Assembly elections in the state, but the party is also fractured and threatened by factionalism. Leading up to the yatra, there were reports of a divide between former Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) chief DK Shivakumar who are both said to be nursing chief ministerial ambitions.The leaders did put up a united front, at least on the face of it. Former party president Sonia Gandhi joined the yatra in Mysuru. Family members of Kannada journalist Gauri Lankesh who was killed in 2017 walked along with Rahul.Rahul Gandhi and 39 other Congress delegates voted for the Congress presidential polls on October 17 during this leg of the yatra.Andhra Pradesh (October 20)Between October 18 and October 21, the yatra traversed through Andhra Pradesh, which shares its border with Karnataka.The state had once been its stronghold under Chief Minister YS Rajasekhara Reddy, popularly known as YSR. But 2009 was the last time the party either won an MLA or MP election in the state. For eight years now, the Congress has been waiting for some good news in Andhra Pradesh. The sentiment from the yatra’s run here was that notwithstanding the good crowds drawn by the Yatra, the Congress has a lot of ground to cover in the state that is now run by YSR’s son YS Jagan Mohan Reddy.Telangana (October 23)In Telangana for 13 days, the Yatra passed through 19 Assembly segments and seven parliamentary constituencies, including Hyderabad. Party leaders also hoped its chances in the high-stakes Munugode by-election would be bolstered with Rahul being in the state. The party, however, lost the election.Maharashtra (November 5)Proceeding to Maharashtra next, where the Yatris covered five districts and 280 km in 14 days, Rahul Gandhi drew backlash from the BJP and the Eknath Shinde faction of the Shiv Sena when he attacked Savarkar. Congress ally Uddhav Thackeray also publicly disagreed with Gandhi’s remarks.During this leg, Rahul also criticised the RSS for using the term “vanvasis (forest residents)” for “Adivasis (indigenous people)”.Another image from the Yatra that triggered a row was that of social activist Medha Patkar walking along with Rahul. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other senior BJP leaders turned it into a poll issue during the campaign for the Gujarat Assembly elections, claiming Patkar was a major figure who was against the Sardar Sarovar Dam project and by extension “anti-development”.Madhya Pradesh (November 20)After Maharashtra, Rahul took a two-day break to campaign in Gujarat that went to polls on December 1 and 5. He then proceeded to Madhya Pradesh, the first Hindi heartland state where the Yatra entered. Rahul also offered prayers at the Mahakaleshwar Temple in Ujjain and attacked the BJP government saying that it disrespects those who toil hard such as workers, farmers and small businessmen — the real “tapasvis” akin to Hindu gods Shiva, Rama, and Krishna.During a part of the Yatra in this leg, Rahul was joined by his sister and Congress general secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, brother-in-law Robert Vadra and nephew Raihan.At a press conference, Rahul turned philosophical and said “he had let go of Rahul Gandhi many years ago”. When asked about his learnings from the Yatra at a press conference, he said, “Rahul Gandhi ko maine bohot saalon pehle chhod diya. Rahul Gandhi aapke dimag main hai, mere dimag main hai hi nahin. (I let go of Rahul Gandhi years ago. Rahul Gandhi is in your mind, not mine). Try and understand, this is our country’s philosophy.”Rajasthan (December 4)As the Bharat Jodo Yatra entered Rajasthan, the big question on everyone’s mind was: Will the truce between Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot and former deputy CM Sachin Pilot, who have been at loggerheads for the past three years, hold? The two had appeared in public ahead of the Yatra’s entry into the state, claiming the party was united.The news of the loss in the Gujarat Assembly polls and victory in the Himachal Pradesh elections came during this leg.The yatra will head to Haryana, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, and Punjab next.
Friday marks the 100 days since Congress started its 3,570-km long Bharat Jodo Yatra. The yatra began on September 7 from Kanyakumari in Tamil Nadu and is scheduled to culminate in Jammu and Kashmir. On the 100th day, the Yatra’s torchbearer and senior Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, was joined by Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu, his deputy Mukesh Agnihotri and the Congress chief in the hill state Pratibha Singh.The Congress claims the walk aims to bring the nation together, strengthen it and address social polarisation. Over the past 100 days, the Yatra kept making a number of headlines as it traversed through Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. Through the walk, Rahul has garnered support of people from diverse backgrounds — IT professionals, doctors, actors, political analysts, farmers, transgenders and activists. He has hosted various public rallies where he promised to resolve the concerns of the public.The Yatra, planned to pass through 12 states and 2 union territories over the course of five months, began with the Wayanad MP paying his respects at the memorial of his father and former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi in Tamil Nadu’s Sriperumbudur.Since the start of the Yatra, the Congress leader’s various activities have been making it to social media — his Mysuru rally amid massive rains, snake boat race in Kerala, interaction with young Kerala girls over the South Korean band BTS , tying his mother Sonia Gandhi’s shoelace and many others.Tamil NaduThe Padayatra was kickstarted in Kanyakumari, Tamil Nadu, on September 7, with Chief Minister M K Stalin handing over the Tricolour to Gandhi. Senior Congress leaders, including like K C Venugopal, Jairam Ramesh, Digvijay Singh, Bhupesh Baghel, and Ashok Gehlot attended the launching ceremony.Few days into the Yatra, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) took a jibe at the Congress, asking Rahul Gandhi to get his vehicles’ tanks filled in BJP-ruled states to save money.We also request @RahulGandhi to nudge his UPA partners, especially the @arivalayam govt, to honour their poll promises by reducing the petrol & diesel rates. We also urge that you fill the tanks of the vehicles in your convoy in BJP-ruled states to save money! (10/10)— K.Annamalai (@annamalai_k) September 6, 2022The walk stayed in Tamil Nadu for 4 days before moving on to Kerala. It re-entered Tamil Nadu, after covering Kerala for a day before entering Karnataka.KeralaSenior Congress leader and MP Shashi Tharoor welcomed the Gandhi and his supporters when the Bharat Jodo Yatra entered Kerala on the evening of September 10. Although the Yatra gathered huge support in the state, the Congress drew flak when the picture of V D Savarkar was carried on one of the posters of the Yatra in Ernakulam district. Party workers tried making up by covering Savarkar’s picture with Mahatma Gandhi’s, but the damage had already been done.Welcomed @rahulgandhi to Kerala on his arrival from Tamil Nadu. He’s drenched with sweat but cheerful and upbeat. Looking forward to joining him in the #BharatJodoYatra from 7 am tomorrow! pic.twitter.com/vjKsKij1Mr— Shashi Tharoor (@ShashiTharoor) September 10, 2022KarnatakaAfter spending 18 days in Kerala, Rahul’s Yatra entered Karnataka on September 29. This leg drew specific attention from the media as the then Congress president Sonia Gandhi joined the Yatra. Although she was there for only the first phase of the Yatra’s seventh day in the state, a huge crowd swarmed the streets to watch her.The Yatra was also joined by the mother and sister of journalist Gauri Lankesh, who was assassinated on September 5, 2017. Rahul extended his support to the slain journalist and her family.Gauri stood for Truth Gauri stood for CourageGauri stood for FreedomI stand for Gauri Lankesh and countless others like her, who represent the true spirit of India.Bharat Jodo Yatra is their voice.It can never be silenced. pic.twitter.com/TIpMIu36nY— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) October 7, 2022No excuses. Only passion.There is no hurdle big enough to stop #BharatJodoYatra from achieving its goal. pic.twitter.com/puKgKeVZ1E— Congress (@INCIndia) October 2, 2022Andhra PradeshAfter Karnataka, the Yatra entered a brief Andhra leg on October 18. This leg was particularly important since Andhra Pradesh has not produced any Congress MLA or MP since 2014. The party has significantly lost its ground to YSRCP in the state after the bifurcation of the state.TelanganaOn the 48th day, Rahul Gandhi led his supporters into Telangana, where the Yatra entered through Gudeballur in Mahabubnagar district on October 23. Here, the walk traversed through 19 assembly segments and seven parliamentary constituencies.On the 55th day, the Yatra made its way into the capital city of Hyderabad where it was joined by the mother of Dalit activist Rohith Vemula. The activist’s death by suicide in 2016 had triggered nationwide protests; Rahul had visited University of Hyderabad campus to join the protests. He later tweeted that the meeting filled him with newfound courage.रोहित वेमुला, सामाजिक भेदभाव और अन्याय के विरुद्ध मेरे संघर्ष का प्रतीक है, और रहेगा।रोहित की माताजी से मिल कर, यात्रा के लक्ष्य की ओर बढ़ रहे कदमों को नया साहस, और मन को नई शक्ति मिली। pic.twitter.com/7XrVSqnptF— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) November 1, 2022MaharashtraThe Yatra attracted a fancy welcome from the state unit as it entered Maharashtra on the night of November 7. This leg started off from the district of Nanded. Maharashtra NCP president Jayant Patil, party MP Supriya Sule and former minister Jitendra Awhad walked with the leader and attended a grand rally in Nanded city. The coming of leaders from both NCP and Shiv Sena symbolized the strength of the unusual alliance of Maha Vikas Agadhi (MVA). Although Rahul’s pointed attack on the Hindutva ideologue of Savarkar did make the Shiv Sena a little uncomfortable, the controversy was handled smartly by former union minister Jairam Ramesh, who said both parties agree to disagree on certain issues.Discussions on Maharashtra’s cooperative movement, Ambedkarite movement, issues of OBCs, youth, tribals and women were held with Rahul during the Yatra. Social activist Medha Patkar, who walked with Rahul, said the ruling BJP has closed dialogue with those who hold a different point of view than theirs. “We have differences with the Congress, but the party is ready to talk on those, engage us. This yatra is for constitutional values and that’s why I have joined,” she said. Madhya PradeshThe Yatra entered the Hindi heartland of the country on November 23. In the Madhya Pradesh leg, Rahul was joined by his sister Priyanka Gandhi Vadra in Burhanpur district. Priyanka was accompanied by her husband Robert and son Raihan. The state was pivotal for Congress since it was a BJP-ruled state where it recently lost its stalwart leader Jyotiraditya Scindia and a sitting government.Congress was at the centre of a major controversy when the BJP alleged that pro-Pakistan slogans were raised at a Yatra rally. The Congress called the video clip shared by the BJP “doctored” and threatened legal action against those trying to “defame” the Yatra.भारत जोड़ो यात्रा में पाकिस्तान जिंदाबाद के नारे लगना, यह भारत जोड़ना है या भारत को तोड़ने वालों को साथ जोड़ना है। पहले भी भारत तोड़ा है, क्या फिर भारत तोड़ने का इरादा है? पाकिस्तान जिंदाबाद के नारे लगाने वाले किसी भी कीमत पर बचेंगे नहीं, उनके खिलाफ सख्त कार्रवाई की जायेगी।— Shivraj Singh Chouhan (@ChouhanShivraj) November 25, 2022RajasthanBharat Jodo Yatra entered its Rajasthan leg on 4th December. The earliest visuals that emerged from the leg were those of Gandhi shaking a leg with the folk artists along with Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot, and party leaders Sachin Pilot, Kamal Nath, and Pradesh Congress Committee chief Govind Singh Dotasra.The Yatra comes at a crucial stage since the state will go to elections next year amidst the political tussle between CM Gehlot and Pilot. The event would test the truce established between the two. The participation of former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan in the Yatra in the state made headlines. The BJP took a dig at Rajan by commenting that he fancies himself as the next Manmohan Singh.Raghuram Rajan, former RBI Governor, a Congress appointee, joining Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra is not a surprise. He fancies himself as the next Manmohan Singh. Just that his commentary on India’s economy should be discarded with disdain. It is coloured and opportunistic…— Amit Malviya (@amitmalviya) December 14, 2022The future courseThe Bharat Jodo Yatra is expected to go on as it travels the state of Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi and Punjab only to culminate in Jammu and Kashmir. This is being seen as a massive step to not only establish Congress as a viable option to the BJP in the 2024 Assembly elections but also to revamp the image of Rahul Gandhi. The Grand Old Party also plans to hold such Yatras from the Eastern to the Western corners of the country along with several state versions.
The Delhi High Court on Thursday reserved orders in former Maharashtra CM Uddhav Thackeray’s appeal against an order of a single judge of the HC who dismissed his plea challenging the Election Commission of India’s decision to freeze claim over the “Shiv Sena” party name and the “bow and arrow” symbol.Appearing for Thackeray, senior advocate Kapil Sibal submitted before a division bench of Chief Justice Satish Chandra Sharma and Justice Subramonium Prasad that the single judge could not have passed an order making observations on how the poll body should proceed while deciding the claim.Thackeray and Eknath Shinde’s factions approached the ECI with claim on party name ‘Shiv Sena’ and the ‘bow and arrow’ symbol but the election panel in its October 8 interim order restrained both factions from using the party name and the symbol until a decision was taken.On November 15, a single judge bench of Justice Sanjeev Narula dismissed Thackeray’s plea and further directed the ECI to decide the issue in an “expeditious manner”. The HC also observed that an expeditious disposal of the issue would be in the interest of the parties as well as the public, noting that there was no “interdict” on the matter by the Supreme Court. The single judge further said that the objection on maintainability of the petition will be examined by the ECI on its own merits while reaching a final decision.Sibal argued that the single judge while dismissing his plea observed that the ECI will decide his client’s “preliminary objection” regarding maintainability of dispute petition before the ECI would be examined by the body on its own merits while rendering a final decision.“I have filed an application raising a preliminary objection…All I want is that it should be heard first. I want nothing more than this. If the commission rejects my objection that is a different matter. We came to court and said that we are aggrieved by the ECI passing a freezing order without hearing us . But the court said that this will be heard with the main matter. Can the court do that? I’m ready to argue before the commission but this order should not bind the body,” Sibal said.Sibal further said that “never before in the history of the ECI was a freezing order passed without hearing a party” as has happened in his client’s case. Apprising the HC about the case before the Supreme Court on this issue, Sibal said that his client had sought stay of the proceedings before the commission which was rejected and that the proceeding before the Commission is next listed on January 10, 2023. He further said that the SC had asked to proceed with the matter which cannot mean that the SC said that his client cannot raise a preliminary objection before the ECI. “If the ECI has been asked to proceed it means they have to proceed in accordance with law,”Sibal contended.On the other hand senior advocate Mahesh Jethmalani appearing for Eknath Shinde said that the question as to which faction is the original faction and is entitled to the party name and symbol is very much open for judgment. Reserving its order the bench said, “We will pass appropriate orders”.In its appeal Thackeray has claimed that the single judge failed to appreciate that the ECI’s order is “patently illegal, without jurisdiction and unsustainable, both in law and on facts”.The appeal contends that the issue of maintainability being a preliminary issue ought to have been decided at the preliminary stage, and the single judge could not have directed ECI to decide the objection on non-maintainability of the petition along with the main petition, which would render a final decision.The appeal further states that the single judge failed to appreciate that the question of Shinde’s disqualification is still pending before the Supreme Court and ECI’s action is premised on an underlying assumption that the apex court will decide in Shinde’s favour.
The Petition moved by Uddhav Thackeray had sought direction to quash the order passed by the ECI.New Delhi: The Division Bench of Delhi High Court today reserved the order on the plea moved by former Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray challenging the Single bench order that rejected his plea against the Election Commission's order for freezing the symbol (Bow and Arrow) and the name of the Shivsena political party.The Bench headed by Chief Justice Satish Chander Sharma and Justice Subramonium Prasad kept the order reserved after hearing the arguements at length.The appeal moved before the Division Bench stated that the Single Judge failed to appreciate that in passing the order dated October 8, 2022, the Election Commission of India (ECI) proceeded on the assumption of the existence of two rival groups within the Shivsena political party.The Single Judge failed to appreciate that there is no dispute as to the leadership of the Shivsena Political Party and therefore, ECI has no jurisdiction to entertain the para 15 Petition, said the appeal.Last month, the Bench of Justice Sanjeev Narula while dismissing the plea, directed the ECI to decide the dispute pending before it as expeditiously as possible.The Petition moved by Uddhav Thackeray had sought direction to quash the order passed by the ECI on October 8 that freezed the election symbol of the Shivsena Political Party.Election Commission counsel earlier told the court: "This is purely an interim arrangement. The commission will decide the matter after hearing all parties."The plea before the Single bench had submitted that ECI has been vested with wide powers under Article 324 of the Constitution of India and the Symbols Order to ensure the effective functioning of our democratic system. It is submitted that a symbol is reflective of the ideas/ethos of the party and ECI should grant recognition of any such symbol which reflects the true ideology, ethos, and aspirations of a political party.It further stated that on January 23, 2018, the Organizational Elections of the Party for the term 2018-2023 was held as per Rule V of the Rules and Regulations of Shiv Sena, which mandates intra-party elections to be conducted once in five years. In the said elections, the Petitioner/Uddhav Thackeray, was unanimously elected as the 'Shiv Sena Paksha Pramukh' of the party.PromotedListen to the latest songs, only on JioSaavn.comShiv Sena was founded by Late Balasaheb Thackeray on June 19, 1966 to espouse the ideology and legacy of the Maratha King Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. The Party is a recognised state party under the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968 (hereinafter, Symbols Order'), and has been allotted 'Bow and Arrow' as its reserved symbol in the State of Maharashtra for the purposes of elections.(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)Featured Video Of The DayExclusive: Donald Trump Jr Says "There's Witch Hunt Against Donald Trump"
