Rebels don’t back down, Uddhav Thackeray leaves CM home, says will quit if MLAs say so

The Indian Express | 11 months ago | 23-06-2022 | 05:45 am

Rebels don’t back down, Uddhav Thackeray leaves CM home, says will quit if MLAs say so

With his party rebel MLAs not backing down and the numbers clearly not on his side, Maharashtra Chief Minister and Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray, battling to save the Maha Vikas Aghadi coalition government, left the CM residence for his family home Wednesday evening, shortly after an emotional speech in which he said he is willing to resign if the MLAs and Sainiks tell him to his face that they do not want him to continue.Uddhav was seen leaving Varsha, the official residence of the CM, with wife Rashmi and sons Aaditya and Tejas. He left with personal belongings, and was accompanied by Shiv Sainiks all the way to Matoshree, the Thackeray family home.Earlier, in an address which was more an appeal to the Sena continued after rebel minister Eknath Shinde moved from Surat to Guwahati with his flock, Uddhav, who tested positive for Covid Wednesday, said, “If my own people are saying they do not want me, then shouldn’t they have come before me to say it instead of going to Surat and speaking there? They should have come here and said ‘Uddhavji, you are useless… forget the praise (for work done) during Covid… We don’t want you’. I would have resigned from the post of CM even if one MLA had said this to me.”“If you do not believe this, then I will immediately move to Matoshree from Varsha. I have no greed. I am not going to stick to the chair… I am the son of Balasaheb. But come here, say whatever you have to in front of me,” he said.This was Uddhav’s first public remarks after the revolt in his party. On Wednesday, Eknath Shinde claimed that he now had support of 34 MLAs, 30 of them from the Shiv Sena which has a strength of 55 in the Maharashtra Assembly.Late in the evening, Shinde, in a Twitter post, said, “Over the last two years under the MVA government, only the coalition partners benefitted while the Shiv Sainik was left frustrated. While our allies gained strength the Shiv Sena and Sainiks were deliberately weakened. For ensuring the survival of the party and Sainiks, it is necessary to step out of this unnatural alliance. For the greater good of Maharashtra, it is time to take a decision.”More MLAs are said to be on their way to join the Shinde camp. The revolt, hours after the Legislative Council elections Monday in which the MVA suffered a setback following cross-voting by MLAs, has put a question mark on the future of the coalition.In the House of 288 which is currently at 287 owing to the death of Sena MLA Ramesh Latke last month, the MVA needs at least 144 MLAs. Before the revolt, its strength in the House was 152 — Sena 55, NCP 53, Congress 44. The BJP strength is 106 while Others account for the remaining 29.Hoping to return to power and not willing to reveal its cards yet, the BJP, party sources said, is waiting for Shinde to rustle up the numbers that he needs to beat the anti-defection law.“More Shiv Sena MLAs are expected to join Shinde by Thursday, and it will no longer be a numbers game. Uddhav will be left with only a handful of MLAs. He has lost his pillar of strength… the shock of this development will make it easier for the BJP.”Once the picture is clear, the BJP hopes to make its move and get Devendra Fadnavis to stake claim with the backing of the Sena rebels, sources said, maintaining that the chain of events so far has been on expected lines.The rebel MLAs made public a resolution, appointing Shinde as leader of the Shiv Sena legislature party, saying “there is enormous discontent” in the party cadre “for forming the government with NCP and Indian National Congress who are ideologically opposed to our party”.The rebel list of 34 MLAs has signatures of 30 Sena MLAs – two MLAs are from the Prahar Janshakti Party and two are independents. More smaller parties are rallying behind Shinde who needs to have the support of 37 party legislators to avoid disqualification under the anti-defection law and form a separate group.The resolution of the rebels stated: “There has been compromise on the principles of our party Shiv Sena, which has been a party with a fierce ideological base, and was formed for fighting for the rights of local Marathi people. For the last two-and-a-half years, our party and its leadership have compromised party principles by aligning with contrasting ideologies for the sake of achieving power in the state of Maharashtra.”“The ideology of our party’s leader, Late Balasaheb Thackeray, was to give a clean and honest government to the people of Maharashtra… without compromising on the principle of Hindutva which was defeated the first day itself by aligning with opposing ideologies,” it stated.The resolution said party members were unhappy about “corruption” in the government and administration regarding police postings and referred to former “Home Minister Anil Deshmukh (who is in jail), and sitting Minority Minister Nawab Malik (also in jail).”“Our party cadre faced tremendous harassment and distress on political as well as personal grounds from the opposition ideological parties, who are now a part of the government, and were using their office and power to undermine the base and foundation of our Shiv Sena cadre,” the resolution stated.It said the Sena decision to sever ties with the BJP in spite of having a pre-poll alliance had a negative impact on the cadre of the party.“There was continuous hue and cry towards the party leadership for the act of aligning with the opposing parties. Ignoring this, the party leadership went ahead and formed a Maha Vikas Aghadi government. For the last two-and-a-half years, we, the Shiv Sena Legislative Party members, were facing tremendous pressure from their electorates/voters,” it stated.The resolution also stated that Bharat Gogavale had been elected and appointed Chief Whip of the Shiv Sena legislature party, and that the appointment of Sunil Prabhu had been cancelled with immediate effect.Earlier in the day, Sunil Prabhu had issued a letter asking all Sena MLAs to be present for a meeting in Mumbai. The letter warned that if anyone remained absent, it would be considered that the MLA had decided to quit the party voluntarily. The meeting did not, however, take place.In Guwahati, Shinde and the rebel MLAs were received at the airport by BJP MP Pallab Lochan Das and MLA Sushanta Borgohain.Speaking to reporters, Shinde said he and those with him were “committed” to Balasaheb Thackeray’s ideology of Hindutva. “We want to take it forward,” he said, “I have 40 Shiv Sena MLAs with me. I cannot comment on anybody.”Borgohain told reporters that he was at the airport to “receive friends”.“Two-three friends called me, so I came to receive them…They have not disclosed what programme they have,” he said.Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma told reporters that he was not privy to much information on the developments. “I am busy with flood relief work. Right now I am heading to Kampur (Nagaon)… tomorrow I will head to Silchar,” he said, adding that there were some “legislator friends” and he may meet them for “five to ten minutes”.Sarma said it was “positive” that people were visiting the state despite the floods. “Since we are inundated, all hotel rooms are empty and the state is facing financial difficulties. Now if tourists from across the country come and stay in a hotel, it will only benefit us,” he said.BJP Rajya Sabha MP Pabitra Margherita said “all people” were “welcome” in Assam.The rebel MLAs were taken to a luxury hotel in Guwahati in three buses amid heavy police protection.Sushmita Dev, TMC MP from Silchar which has been submerged in water for the last 72 hours, said the BJP government had its priorities wrong.“There is a crisis in Silchar — there is no drinking water, no electricity, no boats for rescue … people are living on roofs… in the middle of all this, the Chief Minister of Assam is busy poaching MLAs, and putting them up in five-star hotels. This is really bad,” she said.

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Eye on LS polls, BJP reaches out to former allies Premium Story
The Indian Express | 16 hours ago | 09-06-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
16 hours ago | 09-06-2023 | 12:45 pm

As the Opposition parties step up to build a united platform against the ruling BJP for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the saffron party has returned to kickstart talks with its erstwhile allies in a bid to breathe a new life into the NDA, even as the party has sought to firm up ties with its existing partners.Its rout in the recent Karnataka Assembly polls coupled with the rapidly-changing political situation seems to have forced the BJP to shed its tough stance against ex-partners that walked out of the party-led NDA on a sour note. Clearly, the party is again looking to stitch up a formidable coalition for the next general election.BJP sources said the party leadership has already resumed alliance talks with the Janata Dal (Secular) in Karnataka, Telugu Desam Party (TDP) in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, and the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) in Punjab. The BJP top brass has also reaffirmed the party’s ties with the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena in Maharashtra and the AIADMK in Tamil Nadu. Also, it will soon meet and hold discussions with smaller allies in other states, including Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, sources said.In a recent meeting with the BJP Chief Ministers and Deputy CMs in Delhi, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was said to have advised the BJP to be open to accommodate the regional parties by forging ties with them.A number of BJP leaders have admitted that the exit of parties like the TDP, Uddhav Sena, SAD and JD(U) from the NDA over the years has given the party an image in public that it does not want to accept regional parties that are formidable forces in their respective states. Its friendly parties – the YSRCP in Andhra Pradesh or the BJD in Odisha – had not been ready for a formal alliance while remaining unwilling to be a part of the party-led government at the Centre.According to sources, the BJP leadership has decided to keep aside its disenchantment with the SAD, which quit the NDA over the now-repealed contentious farm laws, after evaluating the Jalandhar Lok Sabha bypoll outcome.The May by-election to the Jalandhar Lok Sabha seat, a traditional Congress bastion, was won by the AAP with 34.1 per cent votes while the SAD and the BJP candidates, respectively, got 17.9 per cent and 15.2 per cent votes. “The fact that the votes won by the BJP and the SAD almost equalled the votes the winning AAP candidate got has made the leadership review its stance. The BJP is a party that drops hard or adamant positions if it is necessary for electoral wins,” said a party leader who is familiar with developments in the Punjab unit.After its decimation in the Punjab polls last year, the SAD – it could win only three seats in the 117-member state Assembly – was keen on returning to the NDA fold, said the leader. The BJP had then fought the election in a coalition with smaller parties, including the ex-Congress CM Capt Amarinder Singh-led Punjab Lok Congress, managing to win only two seats.Although the JD (S) was interested in a pre-poll alliance with the BJP in the Karnataka elections, the BJP did not go for it in a “strategic move” to let the regional party keep its Vokkaliga-Muslim support base, according to BJP sources. However, the BJP was disappointed with the “surprising drop in its vote share” in the elections. “For the Lok Sabha elections, it makes sense for both the parties to forge a formal alliance as the JD(S) does not have much hope to regain its minority votes in the near future,” said a BJP leader.Some recent statements from the JD(S) leaders, including ex-prime minister H D Deve Gowda’s praise for Railway Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw for his handling of the Balasore triple-train disaster, indicate that there could be a tie-up between the two parties for the 2024 polls. In the wake of the Congress’s spectacular victory in the state elections, the BJP is keen to consolidate the Vokkaliga votes in its favour, sources said.The Karnataka lessons also appear to have pushed the BJP into resuming coalition talks with TDP chief N Chandrababu Naidu. Although Naidu had made several attempts for a thaw in their ties earlier too, the BJP leadership was then reluctant, primarily due to vehement resistance from its state unit. Last week, however, Naidu met top BJP leaders, Union Home Minister Amit Shah and party national president J P Nadda, with both sides apparently agreeing to work together in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.With several crucial state elections lined up later this year in which it will face off the Congress directly, the BJP’s current focus has turned to curbing the re-emergence of the Congress in these states.While Naidu is keen on forging an alliance with the BJP to mount a bid to return to power in Andhra Pradesh by ousting the incumbent Jagan Mohan Reddy-led YSRCP from power, the BJP is looking to secure its position as the most potent alternative force in Telangana. In both these states, the BJP wants to restrict the Congress to a distant third position or push it to the margins.After a hiatus in Maharashtra, the BJP leadership sent out fresh conciliatory signals to the Shinde Sena earlier this month, sources said. Both the allies share power in the state government led by CM Shinde, whose party has also been demanding berths in the Union Cabinet for its MPs who have extended support to the BJP in Parliament. Sources said fresh moves are afoot in the government to explore any possible changes in the Union Cabinet in order to create space for some alliance partners and new faces.Shinde along with Deputy CM and senior BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis met Shah earlier this week in the national capital, following which the CM announced that both the allies will contest all future elections in the state together. “During the meeting, it was decided that all future elections (including the Lok Sabha, Assembly and civic bodies) will be contested jointly by the Shiv Sena and BJP. We will contest and win the elections with a majority,” he tweeted.The BJP is expected to launch fresh efforts to strengthen its ties with the Apna Dal in UP, even as it would explore partnership with other smaller parties in both UP and Bihar.

Eye on LS polls, BJP reaches out to former allies Premium Story
Mumbai murder: She was ‘like daughter’, says man accused of cutting partner into pieces
The Indian Express | 16 hours ago | 09-06-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
16 hours ago | 09-06-2023 | 12:45 pm

The man accused of killing his alleged live-in partner in their flat in Geeta Nagar area of Mira Road, near Mumbai, and allegedly chopping the body into innumerable pieces, has told police during interrogation that he is HIV-positive and had never had physical relationship with Vaidya, as she was “like his daughter”, a senior police officer told The Indian Express.The officer said that accused Manoj Ramesh Sane, 56, who was arrested on Thursday, has claimed that Saraswati Vaidya, 32, died by suicide on June 3. Fearing that he would be booked in the case, he allegedly tried to dispose of the body, and told police that he planned to end his life thereafter, the officer said.The officer, who visited the spot on Wednesday night, after the death came to light, said details of Sane’s claims during interrogation are being verified.After cutting the body into small parts with an electric tree cutter, Sane allegedly boiled parts of it in a pressure cooker and roasted them on gas to dump them easily, police said. He had allegedly kept the pieces in a bucket, tub, cooker and other vessels in the kitchen, and cut them so small that police could not even count them, an officer said.Police have invoked IPC Sections 302 (murder) and 201 (destruction of evidence) in the FIR. “He was produced in a Thane court and has been remanded in police custody until June 16,” DCP Jayant Bajbale, zone-1, Mira-Bhayander Vasai Virar police, said.“During preliminary inquiry, Sane told police that in 2008 he discovered that he was HIV positive,” the senior officer said. “Since then, he has been on medication. He said that he suspects he contracted the disease due to use of infected blood during his treatment a long time ago, after he had met with an accident.”According to Sane’s confession to police, Vaidya was very possessive in nature and suspected that he was being unfaithful to her whenever he returned home late, the officer said. She was planning to appear for Class 10 SSC exams and Sane was teaching her math, the officer said, quoting from his admission during interrogation.The officer said they found a board on one of the walls of the seventh-floor flat, with math equations scribbled on it.Sane told police that he saw Vaidya lying on the floor of their flat on June 3 morning, froth coming out of her mouth. He checked her pulse and found her dead, he told police. Fearing action against him, Sane reportedly told police, he decided to get rid of the body.Sane has told police that he has an Industrial Training Institute certificate but has been working at a PDS shop for 10 years as he did not get a decent job. The body parts collected from the kitchen have been sent to Sir JJ Hospital for forensic analysis, DCP Bajbale said.Police are taking the help of medical experts and trying to ascertain which parts of the body are missing. They have seized an electric cutter. Police suspect the crime took place earlier and emerged on Wednesday, when neighbours reported foul smell from the couple’s flat. After police were informed, they broke open the door to gain entry into the flat and found the woman’s body, chopped into pieces, in the kitchen. Unaware of police presence, Sane returned home in the evening. He was nabbed as he tried to escape, an officer said.A senior officer said when the accused was being questioned, he showed no remorse.

Mumbai murder: She was ‘like daughter’, says man accused of cutting partner into pieces
Lucknow courtroom murder and a UP leader who could have been CM
The Indian Express | 16 hours ago | 09-06-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
16 hours ago | 09-06-2023 | 12:45 pm

Brahm Dutt Dwivedi belonged to the old school of BJP leaders. A poet and a gentleman, he had once even been a contender for the Uttar Pradesh chief minister’s chair, after he had protected BSP supremo Mayawati from Samajwadi Party workers, in the infamous 1995 ‘guesthouse’ incident in Lucknow. He was murdered in 1997 by gangster Sanjeev Maheshwari Jeeva — an aide of gangster-politician Mukhtar Ansari. On Wednesday, the killing was back in the news as Maheshwari was shot dead on the premises of a Lucknow court.The then BJP MLA from Farrukhabad, Dwivedi was killed on February 10, 1997, while he was seated in his car, ready to leave for home after attending a tilak ceremony. His gunner B K Tiwari was also killed in the attack, while his driver suffered injuries.On July 17, 2003, the CBI court in Lucknow sentenced Maheshwari and former SP MLA Vijay Singh to life imprisonment in the case. Both convicts challenged the judgment in the High Court. In 2017, the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad HC upheld the trial court judgment.Dwivedi was a tall leader in UP politics, and was well-connected with the top BJP leadership. After his murder, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, L K Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi came to Farrukhabad to pay their tributes. Then Governor Romesh Bhandari and SP president Mulayam Singh Yadav too paid a visit. Vajpayee also visited Dwivedi’s ancestral village in Amritpur to attend other rituals after 13 days.As a lifelong RSS worker, Dwivedi had taken part in the Sangh’s training programme in Nagpur. He was also associated with the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. He had started his electoral career with the Jan Sangh and became a municipal corporator in Farrukhabad Nagar Palika Parishad in 1971. He was later elected the vice-chairman of the same municipal board.His ticket to fame came during the Emergency, when, with the police on his tail, he had slipped past the administration to attend an event in Farrukhabad, where he managed to reach the stage to welcome then Governor Marri Chenna Reddy with a flower bouquet.Dwivedi was elected MLA for the first time in 1977 from Farrukhabad as a Janata Party candidate. He was elected MLA three times more and also served as the Minister of Revenue and Power in the Kalyan Singh government (1991-92).In June 1995, after Mayawati decided to withdraw from the SP-BSP alliance government that had been in power since December 1993, SP workers gheraoed the guesthouse where she was staying. Mayawati locked the door from inside, with SP workers roaming outside.Dwivedi, then the BJP MLA from Farrukhabad, was staying in an adjacent building. Alerted about the brewing trouble, he reached out to protect the BSP supremo, with other BJP leaders also reaching within minutes to bring the situation under control. Immediately after the incident, Dwivedi contacted Vajpayee, upon whose advice, the BJP escorted Mayawati to the Governor House and extended support to her party. Next morning, she took oath as CM.Sources said since that incident, Mayawati held Dwivedi in high regard and once even demanded that if the BSP were to form an alliance government in UP with the BJP, in which the chief minister would be someone from the BJP for the first half of the five-year term, she would only accept Dwivedi as the CM. Eventually, she came around to accepting Kalyan Singh as the CM after the BJP stuck to their choice.Dwivedi’s wife Prabha was elected MLA from Farrukhabad in the bypoll that followed his murder. She was also inducted as a minister in the Kalyan Singh government.At present, Dwivedi’s son Major Sunil Dutt Dwivedi is a second-term MLA from Farrukhabad. Sunil’s cousin Pranshu Dutt Dwivedi is the UP president of the BJP Yuva Morcha and an MLC from the Farrukhabad-Etawah local bodies constituency.Dwivedi’s nephew Sudhanshu Dutt Dwivedi, who fought the legal battle over his murder, said his uncle was also a lawyer who had appeared in court for senior BJP leaders, including Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Uma Bharti, in a case related to the Babri Masjid demolition.He added that Dwivedi was also a poet of some repute going by the nickname “Manjul”, that Vajpayee had himself written words of praise for one of his books, Jab Hum Na Honge (When I’m Not There) — a compilation of Dwivedi’s poems published after his death.

Lucknow courtroom murder and a UP leader who could have been CM
Manipur crisis reveals the limits of BJP's politics in the Northeast
The Indian Express | 16 hours ago | 09-06-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
16 hours ago | 09-06-2023 | 12:45 pm

The continuing violence in Manipur ought to be shocking for many reasons. But its sheer scale, endurance and brutality is still not getting national attention. As is typical, the prime minister who is never shy of taking leadership credit, is completely absent when there is an actual crisis that goes to the heart of both constitutional values and national security. In this instance, it seems like the double-engine sarkar, even after invoking Article 355, is unable to control the violence.It takes nothing away from the culpability of the present dispensation to acknowledge the long-standing and irresolvable contradictions of Manipur politics. Whenever the central organising axis of politics is a distributive conflict between identity-based groups, there is a high chance of violence. This is particularly the case where the conflict inherently has the character of a zero-sum game. In Manipur, the politics of distribution between Kukis and Meiteis turns on four goods whose inherent logic is zero-sum.The first is inclusion in the ST quota which is the proximate background to the current conflict. By its very nature, the inclusion of more groups in the ST quota will be a threat to existing beneficiaries. The second is land, and the tension between the valley and the hills. This is also a zero-sum resource, where protecting the land rights of Kukis is seen as foreclosing the opportunities for other groups. The third is political representation, where historically Kukis have felt dominated by the Meiteis. The fourth is patronage by the state in the informal economy, in which groups compete against one another for control of informal trade. Each state intervention in regulating trade becomes a locus of conflict.Place on top of that a default demand that the boundaries of ethnicity and territorial governance should, as much as possible, coincide. In principle, these demands could be negotiated through building inclusive democratic institutions. But this is easier said than done, when every policy instrument in contention — quotas, land, representation, and the state-economy nexus — are defined in terms of zero-sum games. The tragedy of Manipur was that, in part, there was no other game in town, one that could prise politics away from this zero-sum alignment of distribution and ethnicity.Dealing with such a situation requires at least three things. It requires a capable state impartially enforcing constitutional values. It requires a political culture that respects identity but does not politicise it. It requires a development narrative that all sections of society can potentially participate in.Instead, the Indian state made Manipur a charnel house of human rights violations, abetted violence and militarisation to unprecedented levels. It opportunistically used ethnicity both for electoral alliances and divide and rule. In some ways, under colonial divide and rule, the state pretended to hover above the various contending groups. The point of divide and rule was to present the state as neutral and shore up its legitimacy. But in democratic India divide and rule has meant the state itself getting implicated with one group or the other. The result was a weakening of the state’s capacity to govern. We can see the long-term effects of this even in the present crisis, where there is widespread agreement that the state security forces and police cannot be trusted to be neutral and impartial. This creates a vicious cycle where all ethnic groups feel the need to preemptively protect themselves. And finally, the state was not a neutral actor in the economy.It is worth remembering this structural contradiction when we diagnose the present moment. The politics of majoritarianism in Manipur was always more complicated. It was this history that had first given the BJP an opening, where the Congress was seen as an instrument of the Valley, so much so that the Kukis called for supporting the BJP. But the current dispensation, rather than seizing the opportunity to create a new politics, has made the same mistakes. Only this time, the consequences are even more tragic and irrevocable.The violence has given a lie to the BJP’s project in three senses. The first is that the BJP can build a capable law and order state. In this instance, that state has proven to be both deeply incompetent and partisan. The ease with which literally thousands of weapons have been looted would shame any half capable state. But more disturbingly, the pattern that the state is seen to be a partisan actor in the violence continues unabated. Second, it exposes the ideological dangers of the BJP’s project.The BJP tried for a brief moment to run with the hare and hunt with the hound. It tried to capitalise on Kuki construal of Congress in Manipur as majoritarian at the same time as it politicised and promoted Meitei identity. Now that contradiction has burst open: A visible demonstration of the limits of Hindutva accommodation. Contingently convenient alliances will, in the end, be overrun by the ideological juggernaut. And third, it has shown that the BJP’s political instincts can be overrated: Its capacity to negotiate complicated social fissures in the North-east has been overestimated. What the BJP had touted as the moment of its greatest ideological triumph, winning in the North-east, is turning out to also expose the limitations of its politics.It is not going to be easy for Manipur to recover from this violence. There are no credible public institutions that can hold perpetrators of violence to account, impartially. The nature of the violence is such that both the Kukis and Meiteis will be left with a deep sense of victimhood. But there is a deeper question: Is there any political force left in the state that can do the job of political mediation? In a situation where, singly, all parties are considered partisan, the only possibility would be an all-party mediation, one that tries to lift Manipur out of a fatal combination of zero-sum identity politics. But such imaginative gestures are now beyond our ruling establishment.When I first read journalist Sudeep Chakravarti’s book, “The Eastern Gate”, one line stood out. He recounts a visit to Churachandpur, ground zero of the current violence, where he sees a sign by a church: “There is a way that seems right to a man, but it ends in death.” Alas, these words seem all too prophetic at the moment, when no one is prepared to break the mould of politics in Manipur. Nero will, of course, continue to fiddle, while Manipur burns.The writer is contributing editor, The Indian Express

Manipur crisis reveals the limits of BJP's politics in the Northeast
In Uttarkashi, ‘love jihad’ row weighs heavy on some shopkeepers, residents
The Indian Express | 16 hours ago | 09-06-2023 | 12:45 pm
The Indian Express
16 hours ago | 09-06-2023 | 12:45 pm

Zahid Malik came to Purola town in Uttarakhand’s Uttarkashi district over 30 years ago, and has been running a readymade garments shop for 18 years. He had also joined the BJP six years ago. However, on Wednesday night, he had packed everything up and loaded it into a truck as he got ready to shut the shop for good.He is one of at least seven Muslim shop owners in Purola market to permanently close their shops and leave the town in the past two-three days.Zahid’s elder brother, Abdul Wahid, had moved to Purola much before Zahid. The tailoring shop that Abdul ran for more than three decades has been managed by his son, Shahnawaz, ever since Abdul’s death a few years ago. Now, Shahnawaz is also considering leaving town.Tensions in the Purola area erupted on May 26 after two men were allegedly found with a minor girl by some local residents. One of the two men was Muslim, leading to allegations of “love jihad”.Police identified the two men as Ubaid Khan (24) and Jitendra Saini (23), who were booked under sections 363 (kidnapping) and 366A (procuration of minor girl) of the IPC, as well as under the POCSO Act. They are currently in judicial custody.Uttarkashi, Uttarakhand: Muslim owned shops forcibly closed by Hindutva outfits! Posters have come up asking Muslim traders to vacate their shops before a Panchayat for “targeting Hindu women” to be held on June 15! Some Muslim shopkeepers have left Uttarkashi & came to Dehradun! pic.twitter.com/FQ6vYJD0bL— Muslim Spaces (@MuslimSpaces) June 6, 2023An officer familiar with the investigation said, “The girl did not know these people… There is no love jihad angle. We can call it love jihad only if the girl and boys knew each other, or the guy introduced himself as someone else, or they already had a friendship. But that is not the case here.”The day after the incident, protest rallies were organised by right-wing groups, the local Vyapar Mandal (trade union), and some residents. They demanded strict action against the accused and called for a stringent verification process of “outsiders” who come to the town.Posters also came up threatening Muslim traders with consequences if they did not shut down their shops.There are around 35-40 shops run by Muslims in Purola, and all have been shut for the past 12 days.The district administration have meanwhile formed joint teams of revenue and police officials to verify the antecedents of those coming from outside.“There are around five-six (Muslim) families living here for decades, including ours, and they, too, are being targeted now. They are using social media to threaten us. We have also been removed from the WhatsApp group of the Vyapar Mandal. Instead of giving us security, the PAC (Provincial Armed Constabulary) jawans deployed here are asking us not to leave our houses,” said Mohammad Ashraf (41), who runs a garment shop in the area. Ashraf is one of the few members of the community to own a house in Purola.“My family came to Purola in 1978 from Bijnor. Our shop was one of the first few in the area. Three generations of my family lived here, but we have never seen anything like this before… I was born here. I studied in the local Saraswati Shishu Mandir. Most of my friends here are Hindus. We cannot leave this place,” he said.Those who have already left include three traders of toys and crockery, two who were running garments shops, one car wash owner, and one mobile repair shop owner.Having shut down his garment shop, Zahid said he would leave the BJP. He claimed that he was the Uttarkashi district president of the BJP’s minority wing, but the party’s district president Satendra Rana denied this, saying that post was currently vacant and that Zahid had once been a district general secretary.On his decision to shut his business in Purola, Zahid said, “There was a big rally on May 28, during which some people vandalised the hoardings and flex boards of shops owned by Muslims. At that time, I came to Dehradun. We thought we would wait a few days until the situation gets normal. But then, there was another rally in Badkot. Four days ago, we decided to leave Purola.”He said he would look for a shop to rent in Dehradun’s Vikas Nagar area.Local resident Abhishek Semwal, a BJP member, said several Muslim families had been living in the area for decades, but that “problems” started when “new people started coming and opening shops”.Semwal and others, like BJP office bearer Pawan Nautiyal, alleged that such “outsiders” were involved in illegal activities.Meanwhile, Purola sub-divisional magistrate Devanand Sharma Thursday held a Peace Committee Meeting with local public representatives, influential members of society, and local members of the Muslim community. He said that the situation was under control.On Friday, another meeting will be held with local residents to decide the future course of action.Brij Mohan Chauhan, president of the Purola Vyapar Mandal, said: “It is expected that we will ask the administration to make sure that those coming from outside present a character certificate from their local police station. Those already living here for several decades will be allowed to stay here. We will give them a date when they can open their shops.”

In Uttarkashi, ‘love jihad’ row weighs heavy on some shopkeepers, residents